One of the peoples of northeast Siberia. Peoples of the North of Russia. Small peoples of the North and Far East. Small Nations Housing

The peoples of the North and the Far East are called small in number. This term includes not only the demography of an ethnic group, but also its culture - traditions, customs, way of life, etc.

The legislation clarified the concept of small numbers. These are peoples with a population of less than 50 thousand people. This manipulation made it possible to “throw out” the Karelians, Komi, and Yakuts from the list of northern peoples.

Who's left

What are the known small Russian cities today? These are the Yukagirs, Enets, Tuvans-Todzhins, Kereks, Orochs, Ket, Koryaks, Chukchi, Aleuts, Eskimos, Tubalars, Nenets, Teleuts, Mansi, Evens, Evens, Shors, Evenks, Nanais, Nganasans, Alutors, Vepsians, Chulyms, Tazy , Chuvans, Soyts, Dolgans, Itelmens, Kamchadals, Tofalars, Umandins, Khanty, Chulkans, Negidals, Nivkhs, Ulta, Sami, Selkups, Telengits, Ulchi, Udege.

Indigenous peoples of the North and their language

They all belong to the following language groups:

• the Sami, Khanty and Mansi - to the Finno-Ugric;
• Nenets, Selkups, Nganasans, Entsy - to Samoyed;
• Dolgan - to Turkic;
• Evenks, Evens, Negidals, Sroki, Orochi, Nanais, Udege and Ulchi - to the Tungus-Manchu;
• Chukchi, Koryaks, Itelmens speak in families;
• Eskimos and Aleuts - Eskimo-Aleut.

There are also isolated languages. They are not part of any group.

Many languages ​​have already been forgotten in colloquial speech and are used only in everyday life by the old generation. Mostly they speak Russian.

Since the 90s, they have been trying to restore native language lessons in schools. This is difficult, because few people know him, and it’s difficult to find teachers. When studying, children perceive their native language as a foreign language, because they rarely hear it.

Peoples of Russia: appearance features

The appearance of the indigenous peoples of the North and Far East is monolithic, in contrast to their language. According to anthropological properties, the majority can be classified as small stature, thick build, fair skin, straight black hair, dark eyes with a narrow slit, a small nose - these are the signs that indicate this. An example is the Yakuts, photos of which are given below.

During the development of northern Siberia by the Russians in the 20th century, some peoples, as a result of mixed marriages, acquired a Caucasian facial shape. The eyes became lighter, their cut was wider, and brown hair began to appear more and more often. The traditional way of life is also acceptable to them. They belong to their indigenous nation, but their names and surnames are Russian. The peoples of the Russian North try to adhere nominally to their nation for a number of reasons.

Firstly, to preserve benefits giving the right to free fishing and hunting, as well as various subsidies and benefits from the state.

Secondly, to maintain numbers.

Religion

Previously, the indigenous peoples of the North were mainly adherents of shamanism. Only at the beginning of the 19th century. they converted to Orthodoxy. During the Soviet Union, they had almost no churches and priests left. Only a small part of the people have preserved icons and observe Christian rituals. The majority adhere to traditional shamanism.

Life of the peoples of the North

The land of the North and Far East is unsuitable for agriculture. The villages are mainly located near the shores of bays, lakes and rivers because they only have sea and river trade routes. The time during which goods can be delivered to villages across rivers is very limited. Rivers freeze quickly. Many become prisoners of nature for many months. It is also difficult for anyone from the mainland to get to their villages. At this time, you can only get coal, gasoline, and necessary goods using helicopters, but not everyone can afford it.

The peoples of the Russian North observe and honor centuries-old traditions and customs. These are mainly hunters, fishermen, and reindeer herders. Despite the fact that they live by the examples and teachings of their ancestors, their everyday life includes things from modern life. Radios, walkie-talkies, gasoline lamps, boat engines and much more.

The small peoples of the Russian North are primarily engaged in reindeer herding. From this fishery they receive skins, milk, and meat. They sell most of it, but still have enough left over for themselves. Deer are also used as transport. This is the only means of transportation between villages that are not separated by rivers.

Kitchen

Raw food diet predominates. Traditional dishes:

• Kanyga (semi-digested contents of the stomach of a deer).
• Reindeer antlers (growing antlers).
• Kopalchen under pressure).
• Kiviak (bird carcasses decomposed by bacteria, which are stored in a seal skin for up to two years).
• Deer bone marrow, etc.

Work and trade

Some peoples of the North have developed it, but only the Chukchi and Eskimos practice it. A very popular type of income is fur farms. Arctic foxes and minks are bred on them. Their products are used in sewing workshops. They are used to make both national and European clothing.

In the villages there are mechanics, salesmen, mechanics, and nurses. But most of the reindeer herders, fishermen, and hunters. Families who do this all year round live in the taiga, on the banks of rivers and lakes. They occasionally visit villages to buy various products, essential goods, or send mail.

Hunting is a year-round activity. The peoples of the Far North of Russia hunt on skis in winter. They take small sleds with them for equipment, and they are mostly pulled by dogs. They often hunt alone, rarely in company.

Small Nations Housing

These are mostly log houses. Nomads move with plagues. It looks like a tall conical tent, the base of which is reinforced with multiple poles. Covered with reindeer skins sewn together. They transport such dwellings on a sleigh with reindeer. Plagues are usually placed by women. They have beds, bedding, and chests. In the center of the chum there is a stove; some nomads have a fire, but this is rare. Some hunters and reindeer herders live in ravines. These are slatted houses, also covered with skins. They are similar in size to a construction trailer. Inside there is a table, a bunk bed, and a stove. Such a house is transported on a sleigh.

Yaranga is a more complex wooden house. There are two rooms inside. The kitchen is not heated. But the bedroom is warm.

Only the indigenous peoples of the North know how to build such dwellings to this day. Modern youth are no longer trained in this trade, as they mainly strive to leave for the cities. Few people remain to live according to the laws of their ancestors.

Why are the peoples of the North disappearing?

Small nations are distinguished not only by their low numbers, but also by their way of life. The peoples of the European North of Russia retain their existence only in their villages. Once a person leaves, over time he moves into another culture. Few settlers come to the lands of the Northern peoples. And when children grow up, almost all of them leave.

The peoples of the North of Russia are mainly local (autochthonous) ethnic groups from the West (Karelians, Vepsians) to the Far East (Yakuts, Chukchi, Aleuts, etc.). Their population in their native places is not growing, despite the high birth rate. The reason is that almost all children grow up and leave the northern latitudes for the mainland.

In order for such peoples to survive, it is necessary to help their traditional economy. Reindeer pastures are rapidly disappearing due to gas and oil extraction. Farms are losing profitability. The reason is expensive feed and the impossibility of grazing. Water pollution affects fishing, which becomes less active. The small peoples of the Russian North are disappearing very rapidly, their total number is 0.1% of the country's population.

A whole world of multilingual tribes and unique economic and everyday cultures existed before the arrival of the Russians in northeast Asia. The life of the tribes of northeast Asia before the arrival of the Russians can be judged from Russian archival materials of the 17th-18th centuries, news from travelers of that time and archaeological data. This information can be extended far into the past of these tribes, since the Russians found them at the Stone Age level.

104 Ibid.

105 V. Panov. Historical information about Hunchun. "Far East", 1900, No. 91, pp. 3-4.

The mainland areas, a huge territory from the lower reaches of the Lena to Anadyr, were occupied by Yukaghir tribes. By Siberian standards, the Yukaghirs were then a numerous people.

In the middle of the 17th century. There were about 4,500 Yukaghirs. They consisted of 12 tribal or territorial groups. About 450 Yukaghirs lived in the Lenya basin, about 1000 in the Indigirka basin, about 1600 in Alazeya and Kolyma, and 1300 in Anadyr. 106

In ancient times, the Yukaghirs were settled even more widely. 107 This is confirmed by the data of their language, which occupies a separate position among the surrounding languages. 108 Obviously, it was formed in a large closed area. The closeness of the Yukaghir language to the Samoyed languages ​​indicates that in ancient times the Yukaghir tribes came into contact with the ancestors of the Samoyeds. 109 The narrow corridor between the Samoyed and Yukaghir tribes, occupied by the Lamuts and Tungus, was formed as a result of the relatively late invasion of these tribes into the lower reaches of the Lena and Olenek.

The fact that Yukaghirs recently lived on Olenek is evidenced by folklore: the enemy of Uren-Khosun, the hero of Olenek heroic tales, Unkebil-Khosun is directly called “Yukaghir” in one of the legends. The Yukaghirs entered the lower reaches of the Lena River in the middle of the 17th century. 110

The most ancient economic way of life among the Yukaghirs was that of foot hunters for wild deer. The Yukaghirs in the lower reaches of the Indigirka represent their ancestors as hunters of wild deer. In winter they pursued their prey on sleds. In the fall they hunted it with the help of decoys. In the summer, small herds of wild deer were driven into lakes, where hunters lying in wait for the animals approached the deer in boats and stabbed them with spears. For all groups of tundra Yukaghirs, hunting migrating wild deer at river crossings, at the so-called “reindeer hunts” or “animal swimming grounds” was of great importance. 111 “To cross, deer usually descend to the river along the bed of a dry or shallow channel... in a few minutes the entire surface of the river is covered with swimming deer. Then the hunters, hiding in their boats behind rocks and bushes and usually downwind from the deer, rush at them, surround them and try to hold them back. Meanwhile, two or three experienced industrialists, armed with long spears and poles, burst into the herd and stab the swimming deer at incredible speed. A good experienced hunter kills up to a hundred or more deer in less than half an hour.”

106 V. I. Ogorodnikov. Essays on the history of Siberia from the beginning of the 19th century, part II, issue I. Russian conquest of Siberia. Vladivostok, 1924 pp. 54-61; B. O. Dolgikh. The clan and tribal composition of the peoples of Siberia in the 17th century. “Proceedings of the Institute of Ethnography”, new series, vol. 55, M., pp. 379-442.

107 A. P. Okladnikov. History of the Yakut Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, vol. I, p. 28 (-293; M. G. Levin. Ethnic anthropology and problems of ethnogenesis of the peoples of the Far East “Proceedings of the Institute of Ethnography named after N. N. Miklouho-Maclay”, new series, vol. XXXVI , M., 1958, pp. 153-154, 204.

108 V.I. Iohelson. 1) Samples of materials for studying the Yukaghir language and folklore. “Izvestia of the Academy of Sciences”, vol.IX, No. 2, St. Petersburg, 1892; 2) Odul (Yukaghir) language. Sat. “Languages ​​and writings of the peoples of the Far North”, part III,

109 Y. Andere. Die Uralo-Yukagirische Frage. Stockholm, 1956; Yu. A. Kre and no-vich. Yukaghir language. L., 1958, pp. 228-237.

110 Russian sailors in the Arctic and Pacific oceans. M.-L., 1952, pp. 276-277.

111 Central State Archive of Ancient Acts, f. 214, art. 274, pp. 172-173; f. 1177, op. 2, Art. 6, l. 15.

112 F. P. Wrangel Travel along the northern shores of Siberia. M., 194", p. 221.

This is how F. P. Wrangel’s companion F. F. Matyushkin depicted hunting “on the water.” But the fishery was not always successful, then the Yukaghirs starved and whole clans died out.

Such hunting of wild deer at crossings was carried out in the lower reaches of Alazeya, Indigirka, Kolyma, and Anadyr. In those areas where there was a lot of fish, in the lower reaches of the northern rivers, fishing was important as an aid to hunting.

Groups of foot Yukaghirs lived not only in the lower reaches of rivers. In the upper reaches of the Kolyma and Yana rivers there are also places where fish accumulate in the fall heading to their spawning grounds. The accumulations of fish are so significant that, using the most primitive seines such as dragnets, the local population managed to stock up on fish for a whole year in a few days. Modern Upper Kolyma Yukaghirs call this method of catching fish “scooping”, and the places where fish accumulate are called “chemka”, “moner”.

It is characteristic that the remains of dwellings - half-dugouts, attributed by the local population to some extinct people ("Omoks"), are located not on the banks of the Indigirka itself, but along small tributaries and channels. Obviously, it was here (on the main waterways that fish follow the fairway) that the Yukaghirs could build pits with “muzzles” or other traps and install nets. During the runic passage, fish filled these channels, and then the Yukaghirs could provide themselves with fish with their primitive fishing gear.

The very names of the rivers where the Yukaghirs lived on foot - Kolyma, Indigirka, Anadyr - “dog” - indicate the important role that the dog played in their life - their only domestic animal, on which they transported their meager property. These were real dog breeders. Thus, in the lower reaches of the Indigirka, Russian servicemen met sedentary Yukaghir fishermen and dog breeders in 1639. “People are sedentary,” the Cossacks said about them, “and they ride on dogs.”113 However, in some farms of the Yukaghirs on foot there were also domestic reindeer. “On the same day,” Fyodor Gavrilov reported in the yasak book in 1648, “the great sovereign received 46 sables from the Kolyma foot prince and from the reindeer under his amanat Kandanga and from the whole clan.” 114 In 1659, the son of the Indigir Yukaghir Landyya-Checha contracted with the trading people as a guide with his reindeer. 115 The Upper Kolyma Yukaghirs also had deer. There were significant herds of deer in the 17th century. in the hands of the Yukaghirs - Khodyns and Chuvans. The first detachments of servicemen moved to Kamchatka on the reindeer of these Yukaghirs.

Tundra Yukaghir reindeer herders knew harness reindeer herding. The documents repeatedly mention sleighs and sleds.

The material culture of the Yukaghirs was much more primitive than the culture of their neighbors - the Yakuts and Evens. The Yukaghirs themselves described their past like this: “There were Yukaghirs, they had stone axes, they had bone arrows, they had knives made from rib bones. . . This is how we lived." 116 The weapons of the Yukaghirs were bows and arrows, spears, and stone axes. 117

113 Sat. Discoveries of Russian explorers and polar sailors in the 17th century,” 1951, p. 143

114 “Central State Archive of Ancient Acts, f. 1177, op. 4, book. 260,

f.1177. op.4, book. 260. l.1

115 Colonial policy of the Moscow state in Yakutia in the 17th century. L., 1936, p. 185.

116 V.I. Yochelson 1936 Materials on the study of the Yukaghir language and folklore, part 1. St. Petersburg 1900 page 74

117 Ibid., p. 93

True, this does not mean that the Yukaghirs did not know iron at all. The Yukaghir language even has its own terminology related to iron processing. But there was so little of it that, according to legend, before the arrival of the Russians, the iron ax, the greatest value, was the property of the entire family. It was used by all its members only in cases where it was necessary to chop a thick, strong tree, which was difficult to do with stone axes.

There is another legend, which figuratively tells about the first axes received from the Russians. It says: “The Russians said: ‘Cut down the tree with this.’ Everyone began to chop. Some, having cut off their legs, died. They all threw away their stone axes. The (Russians) gave them knives.”118

By the time the Russians arrived, the Yukaghirs were divided into patrilineal clans. However, strong remnants of the maternal clan also remained, such as matrilocal marriage - the husband moved to live in his wife’s house and worked for the bride in her clan. Women enjoyed great independence among the Yukaghirs, and girls before marriage enjoyed great freedom.

According to legend, the successful, experienced hunter Khangicha, the breadwinner, enjoyed the greatest honor in the clan. The elders were at the head of the clan. Each clan had its own ancestral priest shaman (alma), who combined in himself a healer and a fortuneteller. In some Yukaghir groups, deceased shamans were deified.

“And the Yukaghirs will have faith: in which clan a shaman dies, then taking him, cutting off the body from the bones, drying the veins, wearing the clouds in a dress, they believe in him and carry him with them on reindeer,” the service people reported G.F. Miller. 119 The bones of the deceased shaman served as a family guardian amulet. They were used to guess about the results of the fishery. 120

In 1652, when the Yukaghir amanats died from some disease, their relatives turned to the Cossacks with a request to preserve the “bone,” for which they promised to deliver yasak. 121 Along with shamanism, the fishing cult was widespread among the Yukaghirs. The Yukaghirs believed in the existence of “master spirits” of places and animals and believed that each creature had its own master spirit. Of the animals, the elk enjoyed special honor.

The closest neighbors of the Yukaghirs in northeastern Siberia were the Chukchi. In one of the early reports of the Lena Cossacks it was reported: “... and those Chukhchi live between the Alazeya and Kolyma rivers on the tundra, they say there are about 400 people or more.” 122 They occupied the mouth of the river. Kolyma. 123 To the east of Kolyma, the Chukchi were met at Cape Shelagsky, 124 from where further to the east their settlements were located along the coast of the Arctic Ocean up to Cape Dezhnev. On the coast of the Bering Sea, Chukchi villages were located from Cape Dezhnev in the north to Zal. Cross in the southwest. Throughout this entire area, Chukchi settled settlements interspersed with Eskimo ones. Throughout the whole

118 W. Jochelson. Material culture and social organization of the Koryak.

119 Central State Archive of Ancient Acts, f. 199, d. 481, part VII, l. 313.

120 V.I.Iohelson. Materials on the study of the Yukaghir language and folklore.

121 History of the Yakut Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, vol. II. M.-L., 1957, p. 107.

122 Sat. “Discoveries of Russian explorers and polar sailors in the 17th century,” p. 143.

123 B. P. Polevoy. Finding petitions from the discoverers of Kolyma. Sat. "Siberia during the period of feudalism", vol. 2, Novosibirsk, 1965.

124 Russian sailors in the Arctic and Pacific oceans, p. 100.

Apparently, even then there were villages with a mixed Chukchi-Eskimo population. South of the hall. Cross only in the lower reaches of the river. Anadyr, at the mouth of the river. Chukchi lived in Kanchalan. 125 These data are also confirmed by archaeological finds. 126 In the 17th century. on the river itself In Anadyr, apparently, there were no permanent Chukchi settlements. Consequently, in the southeast, the border of Chukchi settlement began at the mouth of the river. Kanchalana, on the northern shore of the Anadyr Estuary. Following to the northwest, the border of their settlement ran approximately along the middle course of the rivers flowing into Anadyr from the left (Tanyurer, Belaya). Then it passed northeast of the upper reaches of the Bolshoi and Maly Anyui, descending closer to the Chaun Bay through the tops of the rivers flowing into it, and came out to the river. Kolyma below the mouth of Anyui. Throughout the entire delineated space of the interior regions, purely Chukchi toponymy is preserved, while on the coast of the Bering and Chukchi Seas both Chukchi and Eskimo toponyms are preserved. There are no statistical data on the number of Chukchi in the middle of the 17th century. No. However, based on information from the beginning and middle of the 18th century, it can be assumed that all Chukchi then numbered about 8-9 thousand. 127

The authors of the first news about the Chukchi of the 17th century. divide them by occupation into reindeer herders and sedentary sea hunters and at the same time indicate that both of these groups of Chukchi were intensively engaged in hunting wild reindeer. However, even then the specialization of one part of the Chukchi in the field of reindeer husbandry, and the other in the field of marine hunting, was clearly identified.

In 1647, M. Stadukhin characterized the economic activities of the Chukchi as follows: “The Chukchi are the same as the Samoyed, reindeer, sedentary.” A little lower in the same message it is said that the Chukchi ride on reindeer to the Bear Islands and there “they kill the sea animal walrus.” 128 Judging by the message of M. Stadukhin, the Western Chukchi then conducted a complex economy. They combined reindeer husbandry with sea hunting and, apparently, land hunting. To the east of Kolyma there was a more distinct division between the reindeer Chukchi and the sedentary sea hunters. The latter lived throughout the year on the sea coast, where they hunted marine mammals: walruses, seals and whales. In the summer months, they undertook long-distance hunting expeditions to the Kolyma, Amguema, Anadyr and other rivers, where they hunted wild deer while crossing them from one bank to another. It is known that huge herds of wild deer made regular migrations from south to north and back. In the spring they moved north and crossed rivers on ice, and in August-September, returning from the North, they swam across rivers in certain places. There were especially many such fishing spots on rivers flowing in the meridional direction (Anadyr and its tributaries). The Chukchi gathered to such places. They sailed in large kayaks with their families, accompanied by small single-seater kayaks in which hunters sailed. According to data from the mid-1st century, by the end of July the Chukchi sailed to Anadyr in “canoes of fifty or more, each with 15 and 20 or more people.” 129 Thus, people sailed to Anadyr from the coast of the Bering Sea

125 V.I. Ogorodnikov. Conquest of the Yukaghir land. “Proceedings of the State University of Public Education in Chita”, book I, Chita, 1922, p. 270; Archive of the Academy of Sciences, f. 21, op. 4, book. 31, l. 277

126 A.P. Okladnikov, V.V. Naryshkin. New data on ancient cultures on the Chukotka Peninsula “Soviet ethnography”, 1955, No. 1.

127 Colonial policy of tsarism in Kamchatka and Chukotka in the 18th century. L., 1935, pp. 158, 161, 179.

128 Additions to historical acts, vol. III, doc. 24.

129 Central State Historical Archive of Leningrad, f. Senate, Secret Expedition, 1552, l.12.

more than 2 thousand Chukchi, including women and children. By this time, reindeer Chukchi were gathering on the coast of the Anadyr estuary. They also took part in this large collective fishery. The hunt took place at the moment when a herd of wild deer swam across the river. When the deer reached the middle of the river, the Chukchi quickly rode out of the ambushes in single-seat kayaks, surrounded the deer and stabbed them with special “spikes” while “floating.” The beakers were strong and dexterous men, while other Chukchi, including women, caught the carcasses of killed and wounded deer carried away by the current. Apparently, they hunted a lot of deer. According to data from the first half of the 16th century, “when there is a good swim, then, not including babies, each person gets twenty deer.” 130 Autumn hunting provided meat and high-quality skins necessary for winter clothing, shoes and for making parts of the home. Deer meat was separated from the bones and dried. The bones of deer were finely crushed and the bone fat was rendered out of them, which was eaten along with dried meat and used for lighting. The Chukchi also hunted wild deer at other times of the year, using bows and arrows.

Hunting wild deer was an activity of both nomadic and sedentary Chukchi. This is their traditional occupation, dating back to ancient times. By the middle of the 17th century. it had already begun to lose its former significance both for the reindeer Chukchi and for those who lived mainly from sea hunting. Chukchi reindeer husbandry was still poorly developed. It was only acquiring the character of pastoral reindeer husbandry. The Chukchi herds of deer at that time were small. Deer were used mainly as a means of transportation and for hunting purposes. Reindeer herders existed mainly through hunting and partly fishing.

By the middle of the 17th century. The Chukchi, who inhabited the coasts of the Bering and Chukchi Seas, lived mainly from marine hunting. They obtained basic food products (meat, fat) from hunting marine mammals; Walrus skins were used to cover the frames of canoes (leather boats), to prepare belts needed for harnesses, for rigging canoes, for lines for harpoons, and were used for the roofing of summer yarangs. Raincoats were made from walrus intestines. Seal skins (seals, bearded seals) were used for sewing clothes, shoes, bags for storing various household items and some products, wineskins for storing fat; From them, belts of different sections were cut out, with which parts of the sleds were fastened, belt nets were knitted for seal fishing, and lines for harpoons were made.

The fat of sea animals was consumed as food and used for lighting and heating the home. Hunting tools, arrowheads, harpoons, picks, harpoon attachments, hunting sleds, parts of sailing rigging for canoes, and some household items (scoops, spoons) were made from walrus tusks. Walrus tusk also served as a material for making art objects (bone sculpture).

Whalebone was used to pad the runners of sleds; nets and fishing lines were woven from its fibers. Cups and inserts for harpoon tips were made from whalebone. Whale bones were used as building material (beams and crossbars of dugouts, hangers, storage sheds).

Hunting for whales and partly walruses was carried out from canoes using harpoons and was of a collective nature, while hunting

130 Central State Archive of Ancient Acts, f. 199, No. 528. vol. I-tetr. 19, l. 32.

for seals and polar bears was individual. The tools for hunting sea animals were mainly harpoons, spears, and knives of different sizes and purposes.

Walrus fishing was of greatest importance in the life of the coastal Chukchi; Walruses, in addition to meat and fat, provided highly durable skins. Walrus tusks were especially valuable for coastal hunters. Already in the first reports about the coastal Chukchi, the importance of walrus tusk as a material for making tools was emphasized. In 1647, Isai Ignatiev and the Alekseev Family reached the Chaun Bay on a kocha, “and in the lip they found people called Chukchi, and they traded with them for a small place. . . they took the merchant to the shore, laid it, and in that place they put the bones of a fish tooth (as walrus tusks were then called) a little, and not every tooth was intact; They made pickets and axes from that bone.” 131

Apparently, the Chukchi were little involved in fishing. Fish were caught with bone hooks, short nets woven from deer tendons or whalebone fibers. The nets were set from the shore.

When hunting land animals, the Chukchi used complex bows, arrows with various tips and spears. When hunting marine mammals, they used throwing spears (harpoons) with detachable tips, to which long lines were attached. A bow with arrows and a spear were also the weapons of the Chukchi warriors.

Deer antlers and bones were widely used as material for tools and household items. They were used to make arrowheads, piercings, parts of harnesses, handles, spears for reindeer sledges, spoons, hooks for hanging, knives, plates for armor and much more.

The main means of transportation of the Chukchi by land in the 17th century. served by deer. They harnessed them to sledges. The sedentary Chukchi apparently also used dogs. Then they had a fan type of dog team, which survived until recently.

The Chukchi had two types of dwellings - portable and permanent. The reindeer Chukchi used portable housing at all times of the year, while the sedentary Chukchi used it only in the summer. In winter, they lived in half-dugouts, the type and design of which they borrowed from the Eskimos. The building materials were jaw bones and ribs of whales, wood, and turf. 132 It is no coincidence that one of the types of semi-dugouts was called “valka-ran” - a dwelling made of jaws. Several families of close relatives lived in half-dugouts. Summer dwellings were above ground. Their frame was covered with the skins of walruses or deer. Inside they had canopies made from deer skins, and for the sedentary Chukchi - from the skins of polar bears. Fat lamps were burning in the canopies. They illuminated the home and provided warmth. 133

Chukchi household utensils were distinguished by their simplicity and few items. Fat lamps were hollowed out of sandstone or made of clay. The cauldrons necessary for cooking food were made of clay mixed with coarse sand. As Chukchi legends tell, clay and sand were mixed with the blood of hunted animals, and dog hair was added to this mixture for viscosity. In addition to earthenware, they had wooden utensils, mainly dishes on which

131 Russian sailors in the Arctic and Pacific oceans, p. 110.

132 S.I. Rudenko Ancient culture of the Bering Sea and the Eskimo problem. M.-L., 1947, pp. 69-108.

133 I S. Vdovin. Essays on the history and ethnography of the Chukchi. M. - L., 1965, pp. 44-49.

meat was laid out. Fire was produced by friction using a special bow projectile. The Primorye Chukchi cooked food on grease lamps in winter, and in summer in special rooms where they burned whale bones and poured fat on them.

The main social unit of both nomadic and sedentary Chukchi in the middle of the 17th century. there was a large patriarchal family with many remnants of more ancient social relations, in particular with remnants of group marriage, levirate, sororate, polygamy, etc. Even then they coexisted with both private and communal property: private property for deer, communal property for pastures, hunting grounds, dwellings, etc. They experienced the process of decomposition of the primitive communal system. Judging by folklore, they had an initial form of patriarchal slavery.

According to the Chukchi, the world around them was spiritualized. Each object lived a life similar to human life, although it had a different material form. The nature surrounding the Chukchi was filled with creatures benevolent to humans - vayrgyt and evil, harmful spirits - kelet. Benevolent beings helped a person in his work, and evil ones harmed him. They, for example, caused the death of deer, possessed a person, and brought him illness and death. The sun and stars are benevolent creatures. The most important being was considered nargynen (“universe,” literally “all outer space”). Ideas about these creatures were vague and vague. They were sought for patronage, help and protection. Since success or failure in work and hunting depended on the favorable disposition of the vayrgyt, the Chukchi appeased them through sacrifices, which were practiced on a variety of occasions. Walruses, whales, and deer served as the most common objects of worship among the Chukchi. Perhaps the earliest message on this matter has reached us from 1647, compiled by the famous explorer of the northeast of Siberia M. Stadukhin. He says that near the river. The Chukchi live in the Chukchi region (west of the Kolyma River). “And those Chukchi on this side of the Kalyma from their home from that river in the winter move on reindeer to that island one day, and on that island they catch the sea animal walrus and bring to themselves walrus heads with all the teeth, and in their own way they take those walrus heads prayer." 134

Traces of the widespread cult of walruses and whales can be traced to the present day not only on the coast of the Arctic Ocean, but also on the Pacific. I. S. Vdovin was able to observe traces of the cult gathering of walrus heads near Cape Shelagsky, near the villages of Ryrkaipiy (Cape Schmidt), Enurmin (Cape Serdtse-Kamen) and in other places. Thus, this cult was widespread not only among the Chukchi and Eskimos, but also among the Koryaks.

South of Anadyr 135 along the coast of the Bering Sea to the river. Uni, and along the western coast of Kamchatka from the river. Tigil in the south 136 to the northern corner of the Penzhinskaya Bay lived settled Koryaks. Sedentary Koryaks also occupied the northwestern coast of the Sea of ​​Okhotsk up to the river. Oly. 137 “Forts” of sedentary Koryaks were located not only in the lower

134 Additions to historical acts, vol. III, doc. No. 24.

135 Ibid., vol.IV, doc. No. 7.

136 I.I. Ogryzko. Settlement and number of Itelmens and Kamchatka Koryaks at the end of the 17th century. “Scientific notes of the Leningrad State Pedagogical Institute named after A. I. Herzen”, v. 222, L., 1961, pp. 173-174. 137 Additions to historical acts, vol. V, doc. No. 73.

but also on the middle and upper reaches of more or less large rivers of Kamchatka (for example, on the rivers Tigil, Palan, Karaga, Rusanov, etc.) 138. .The entire internal space of the Kamchatka Peninsula from the river. Bolshoi in the south 139 down to the right tributaries of the Anadyr - the Velikaya and Maina rivers, the valleys of the lower and middle reaches of the rivers Penzhina, Gizhiga, Pareni, Yama, Ola, as well as the Taigonos Peninsula were occupied by reindeer Koryaks.

The number of Koryaks in the 17th century. was completely unknown. Even S.P. Krasheninnikov wrote that “it was impossible to obtain genuine news about the Koryak people.” 140 According to the calculations of B. O. Dolgikh, the estimated number of Koryaks by the end of the 17th century. was 10,785 people, 141 and according to the calculations of I. S. Gurvich, there were more Koryaks - about 13 thousand. 142 Thus, the question of the number of Koryaks at the end of the 17th century. requires further study.

The closest contact between Russians and Koryaks began in the 80s of the 17th century. Almost simultaneously, the Russians began advancing from Okhotsk north along the sea coast and from the Anadyr fort south to the Kamchatka side. 143

Like the Chukchi, the Koryaks were divided into sedentary and nomadic. In turn, the settled Koryaks were divided into several territorial groups, differing from one another in language and some elements of culture. “And on Penzhin,” reported Vl. Atlasov, - the Koryaks live... they speak their own special language... And they eat fish and all kinds of animals and seals. And their yurts are made of reindeer and rovduzh... And behind those Koryaks live foreigners, the Lutorians, and the language and everything is similar to the Koryak, and their yurts are made of earth, similar to the Ostyak yurts.”144

Sedentary Koryaks were engaged in fishing, sea hunting and hunting mountain sheep, wild deer and bears. Most of all they were fishermen. As is known, the rivers of Kamchatka, as well as the rivers flowing into the Sea of ​​Okhotsk and the Bering Sea, were abundant in salmon species. Fishing was the main source of livelihood for the Koryaks. Fish were caught in rivers and lakes at spawning grounds with nets knitted from deer tendons or from threads made from nettles. Basically, yukola was made from fish, which was stored in special structures (booths) on high stilts. Yukola was the main winter food product of sedentary Koryaks.

The further north along the coast of the Kamchatka Isthmus, the more important marine hunting became in the life of the Koryaks. They hunted seals, whales, and on the Bering Sea coast - walruses.

On land, the Koryaks hunted wild deer, which were found in the northern part of the Kamchatka Peninsula, and mountain sheep. They were mined with a bow and arrow, as well as with the help of loops that were installed on animal trails. Brown bears were found everywhere in the territory of the Koryak settlement, which were also the subject of their hunting.

By the time of contact with the Russians, the Koryaks already had developed herding reindeer herding. Herds of some patriarchal communities

138 I. I. Ogryzkov. Settlement and number of Itelmens..., pp. 189-192.

139 Colonial policy of tsarism in Kamchatka and Chukotka in the 18th century, p. 31. S.P.

140 S.P. Krasheninnikov. Description of the land of Kamchatka. M.-L., 1949, p. 726.

141 B. O. Dolgikh. Clan and tribal composition of the peoples of Siberia in the 17th century, p. 561.

142 I.S.Gurvich. Ethnic history of the northeast of Siberia. M., 1966, p. 109.

143 M. I. Belov. New data about the services of Vladimir Atlasov and the first Russian campaigns in Kamchatka. “Chronicle of the North”, L.-M., 1957.

144 Colonial policy of tsarism in Kamchatka and Chukotka in the 18th century, p. 31; S. P. Krasheninnikov. Description of the land of Kamchatka, page 448.

were numerous. Deer were the private property of individual community members. The Koryaks had a wealth inequality that was strikingly obvious to the first Russian observers.

Reindeer provided the Koryaks not only with food, but also with material for clothing, shoes, and housing; surplus reindeer herding products went to the sedentary Koryaks, in exchange for which the reindeer herders received products from the marine hunting industry (blue, skins and skins of marine mammals). “Everybody wears a dress made of deerskin,” wrote S.P. Krasheninnikov __ in which there is no cancellation from Kamchatka, for the Kamchadals receive deer dress from them, as already announced above.” 145 Reindeer also served as a means of transportation. They were harnessed to cargo and passenger sledges and were ridden only in winter. 146

The tools of labor and hunting of the Koryaks were made of wood, stone and bone. It is interesting that their axes (adze), arrowheads, spears, men's and women's knives (pakul) show almost complete similarity with similar objects of the Chukchi and Siberian Eskimos. The weapons of the Koryaks also had much in common with the weapons of the Chukchi and Eskimos. “Their military weapons consist of bows, arrows and spears, which were previously made from bones and stones... They used to have stone and bone axes and knives, and wooden flints, which they still use more often today,” wrote S. P. Krasheninnikov. 147 Speaking about the Alyutor sedentary Koryaks, V. Atlasov noted: “...they have guns, bows and arrows of bone and stone.” 148

The means of transportation on land for the reindeer Koryaks was reindeer, and the sedentary Koryaks used dogs, which they also harnessed to sledges. As S.P. Krasheninnikov noted: “. . “Sessile Koryaks also have deer, only rare ones and not a lot of them, and they only use them for traveling.” 149 On reindeer harnessed to sledges, the Koryaks entered into battle with the enemy. “The Koryaks go out to fight with reindeer on sledges: one drives, and the other shoots from a bow.” 150 They traveled along the rivers on bats (in the southern areas of settlement), and along the sea - on canoes. The latter were distinguished by their size, especially among the Penzhina Koryaks. “Penzhin foreigners use canoes instead of boats for sea travel,” reported Vl. Atlasov, - sewn from seal skin, 6 fathoms in length, and 1!/2 fathoms across, and in those canoes, 30 and 40 people swim at sea for seal and fat fishing.” 151

The reindeer Koryaks lived in portable dwellings, the frame of which was made of light poles and covered with panels sewn from reindeer skins. Inside such a dwelling, curtains were placed, also sewn from deer skins. There were as many of them as there were families living under one roof. There was a fire burning in the middle of the tent, on which food was being cooked. The canopies were illuminated and heated by grease lamps, in which either bone fat or the fat of sea animals burned. Summer tents were covered with panels of rovduga. 159

Sedentary Koryaks had special winter and summer dwellings. In winter, they lived in half-dugouts, with an entrance hole at the top, which also served as a chimney. Several families of close relatives lived in such half-dugouts. In the summer they settled in cone-shaped

145 S. P. Krasheninnikov. Description of the land of Kamchatka, p. 453.

146 Ibid., 453-454.

147 Ibid., pp. 460, 729.

148 Colonial policy of tsarism in Kamchatka and Chukotka in the 18th century, p. -26.

149 S. P. Krasheninnikov. Description of the land of Kamchatka, p. 455.

150 Colonial policy of tsarism in Kamchatka and Chukotka in the 18th century on p. 32.

151 Ibid., pp. 32-33.

152 Ibid., p. 31.

booths, which were built on high pillars and covered with grass. Each family had its own booth. These same booths served as warehouses where yukola prepared in the summer was stored in winter.

The Koryaks ate fish, the meat of deer, mountain sheep, and marine mammals; they collected pine nuts, berries, and some types of edible roots.

They used clay, birch bark and leather utensils, wove mats, baskets, and bags from grass to store supplies of pine nuts, berries, and roots of edible plants.

The social relations of the Koryaks, apparently, were fundamentally no different from the social relations of the Chukchi. The main social unit of the Koryaks was a large patriarchal family with surviving remnants of the maternal line. Among the reindeer Koryaks, such an economic and social unit was the camp community, which united the closest relatives - the patriarchal family. “In one place there are four or five yurts, but more than one,” noted S.P. Krasheninnikov. 153 Among the sedentary Koryaks, this was a group of relatives (a large patriarchal family), united around the main means of hunting - canoes - a canoe community. Members of such a community lived in one half-dugout. “They had never had leaders before, but whoever was rich in reindeer in that clan was in charge, because all the poor and meager with reindeer live near that relative, and they provide them with food and clothing, and they guard his herd " 154 As can be seen, property inequality based on the ownership of deer among the Koryaks has gone far. “Wives and children have special herds.” 155 They already had the beginnings of patriarchal slavery. The slaves were foreigners. “The Chukotsky and Kamchatka peoples have serfs.” 156

The Koryaks practiced polygamy, especially among the rich. “The rich marry the rich, and the poor marry the poor... They have two or three wives, and keep them in different places, giving them special shepherds and herds.” 157 Exogamous marriage norms no longer existed among the Koryaks, as well as among the Chukchi. “They take wives most from their own family, cousins, aunts and step-mothers, except they do not marry their mothers, their own daughters, their own sisters and stepdaughters.” 158 They worked for a bride for three to five years.

The religious beliefs of the Koryaks were based on animism. They spiritualized natural phenomena. They made sacrifices to the “spirits” of mountains, rivers, seas, etc., in order to evoke benefits on their part in the form of successful hunting, fishing, and prosperity. They also had shamans who, by playing a tambourine, summoned helping spirits and with their help fought evil spirits. 159 Among the sedentary Koryaks there were shamans who were “revered as healers.” However, they “treated” the sick only by playing the tambourine, supposedly “driving away the spirits” of the disease.

At the same time, the Koryaks, like the Chukchi, had many practical skills related to hunting, fishing, and knowledge of local natural conditions and their characteristics. Their homes, clothing, vehicles, tools and weapons were well adapted to the harsh nature and represented very advanced inventions, which only

153 Krasheninnikov. Description of the land of Kamchatka, p. 729.

154 Ibid., p. 726.

155 Ibid., p. 731.

156 Ibid., p. 726.

157 Ibid., p. 458.

158 Ibid. 9

159 Ibid., p. 455.

could be done under these conditions. Their amazing ability to rationally use all the products of reindeer husbandry, sea fishing, fishing, and the surrounding sparse vegetation is amazing.

Eskimos

The classic representatives of the Arctic sea hunters' way of life are the Eskimos.

The Eskimos, as we have seen, are the northernmost people in the world who have managed to adapt to the specific living conditions in the high Arctic latitudes. Their history was of interest to generations of scientists primarily because the Eskimos created a unique culture of Arctic hunters and animal hunters, and also because they were one of the last waves of immigrants from Asia to America. This is the only people that inhabits both the Arctic shores of the Old World and the New, American continent. The history of the Eskimos consists of large-scale migrations, during which they mastered not only Alaska, but eventually reached the shores of Greenland, where the Vikings in the 9th century. n. e. We met small "skrelings" wrapped in seal and deer skins.

Traces of the ancient life of the Eskimos can be traced over vast areas along the coast of the Bering Sea and the Bering Strait, along the Arctic coast of the Arctic Ocean to the mouth of the river. Kolyma in the west, along the northern shores of Alaska, the islands of the Canadian Arctic archipelago and on the coast of Greenland.

In the 17th-18th centuries, when the Asian Eskimos came into contact with the Russians, they lived the same life as sea hunters of the Stone Age and basically preserved the culture that had developed over thousands of years. It is called “protohistoric” in Alaska.

The Eskimos lived in semi-underground dwellings. The basis of their economy was hunting for walrus and whale, as well as fishing, gathering and hunting birds and tundra animals.

The hunt for walruses, judging by ethnographic data, began at the end of April and continued until November-December with minor deviations in timing due to ice conditions. In the spring, at the end of April and May, walruses roost on the ice drifting along the coast. The hunters brought the kayaks on special sleds to the edge of the fast ice, lowered them into the water and went out to sea to fish. Noticing an ice floe with walruses lying on it, the hunters silently, so as not to frighten the dormant animals, swam up to it and landed on the ice. Having approached the walruses, the hunters beat the animals with spears equipped with stone or bone tips.

With the disappearance of ice, hunting for walruses continued on the open sea from kayaks using harpoons. A certain lull in hunting occurred in June, when the walruses moved away from the shores. Since August, walrus fishing has picked up again, as at this time the animals again approached the shore.

The whale hunt was carried out from a canoe. The harpooned and weakened animal was finished off with a special lance, trying to hit it directly in the heart. In ancient times, the Eskimos hunted mainly the bowhead whale. An experienced specialist harpooner struck the animal that surfaced near the canoe in the heart with one blow with a lance. Hunting the bowhead whale, despite its enormous size, was relatively safe, since the bowhead whale is less mobile than the smaller gray whale that lives in the waters of the Bering Sea, the hunt for which is fraught with great difficulties. Before finishing off the gray whale, they threw

several harpoons, in which special air bags “puff-puff”, made from whole skinned seal skin, were attached with a line. There were cases when a gray whale, harpooned several times, carrying up to 10 floats “puff-puff”, still left, since it was difficult to approach it with oars for the final finishing blow with a pike.

Hunting for walrus and especially whale required a large team of hunters, organization and specialization of labor of each member of such an association. Ethnographic materials show with sufficient convincing that such a union among the Asian Eskimos was the patrilineal family.

Remnants of primitive communal patriarchal-tribal relations, judging by ethnographic data, were preserved among the Eskimos until the beginning of the 20th century. 160 The clan community consisted of a number of small families. The most important feature of the clan was exogamy. Within one clan, marriage between its members had previously been categorically prohibited. An Eskimo legend tells that a young man who entered into a marriage relationship with his cousin, the daughter of his father's younger brother, was killed by his father.

The predominant form of marriage was marriage with labor for the bride. There have been cases of concluding a marriage contract between parents of young children, and sometimes even before their birth. Even in the recent past, there was a custom of wife exchange, as well as polygamy. There were cases when a person from another clan, who married and remained in his wife’s clan, was adopted by the clan, and he was called “ignykak” - “adopted son”, from the word “ignyk” - son. If an orphan child from the same clan was adopted by a member of the clan, then he was called “anlisyagak” - “adopted son, pupil.” At the head of the family at the beginning of the 20th century. stood the tribal elder - nunalikhtak. It was usually an old man or an elderly man. His responsibility was to regulate the social and industrial life of the clan. He opened and closed the fishing season, determined the timing of trips for the purpose of exchange, and supervised the performance of festive ceremonies. Together with the elders of his clan and the clan elders of other clans, he sorted out the quarrels and litigations of his fellow villagers. The duties of a clan elder were not elective - they passed along the male line, usually from father to son. Often, the clan elder of one of the most powerful and respected clans presided over the entire village. Each clan occupied its own strictly defined territory in the village, where their homes were located. In the village Sireniki still preserves the ruins of two huge nynlyu (dugouts), in which at the end of the 18th century. lived the Silyakshagmit and Syagogmit clans. According to legends, seven canoe artels from the now-lyu of the Silyakshagmit clan went out to sea to fish, and eight canoe-artels from the now-lyu of the Syagogmit clan. Each kayak team had 12 hunters. According to informants, from 250 to 400 people lived in each dugout. In addition, the places where there were drying sheds with canoes and pits for storing meat were strictly delimited between clans. It should be noted that the hunting territory of all clans in all villages was common. On the basis of tribal relations, the main production unit was formed - the canoe artel. Each clan had one, two, three or more canoe artels, depending on the size of the clan. Usually a canoe artel consisted of 12 people. Except for hunting kayaks, every genus

160 D.A. Sergeev Remnants of the paternal lineage among the Asian Eskimos. "Soviet ethnography", 1962, No. 6, pp. 35-42

had a large transport canoe for 40 oarsmen or more for long trips for trade and military purposes.

The distribution of the spoils of the sea hunting industry was made equally among all members of the clan. The children of a deceased member of the clan were given the same amount of meat, fat, and skins as the rest of the clan. Each clan had its own special holidays and family traditions. There is, for example, a legend that in Naukan, a hunter from the Nunagmit clan’s wife gave birth to a baby whale. When the baby whale became an adult, he was released into the sea, and every year he brought sea animals to the shore, where hunters from the Nunagmit clan lived. This aroused the anger of the hunters from the Mamrokhpagmit clan, and they killed the whale. The legend reflects the enmity that once existed between the Nunagmit and Mamrokhpagmit clans. Later this hostility ceased.

The Imtugmit clan had a particularly complex holiday ritual with various spells, songs, dances, and observance of many prohibitions at the festival in honor of the killed bowhead whale, which was held in December. At the end of the holiday, the team that caught the whale had its hair cut in a special way, and only after the collective haircut did the hunters begin a common meal, a meal of friendship. This was followed by a cleansing ritual. Until the completion of these rituals, throughout the entire holiday, hunters of the clan were forbidden not only to go out hunting, but even to appear on the shore.

During the holiday, women lit the ancestral fire in a special festive fatbox. Possible successes and failures in the upcoming fishery were determined by the brightness and evenness of the flame. The transfer of fire from one kind to another was strictly prohibited.

It was also forbidden to carry hot food cooked on the ancestral fire from dwelling to dwelling. A similar ban existed in the fishery: here, during a whale hunt, it was forbidden to transfer weapons, oars, or any objects from a canoe of one kind to a canoe of another kind.

Until recently, the Asian Eskimos also maintained family cemeteries. So, above the village. There is a cemetery on the Naukan hill, where each clan had its own specific burial place. The most convenient places for burials were occupied by clans who were considered aborigines of this village.

In the 17th century The first meeting of the Eskimos with the Russians took place.

The Nivkhs were very close to the sedentary peoples of the northeast in their way of life. Their main occupations were fishing, sea hunting and hunting. They were engaged in the manufacture of clothing from fish skins and animal skins, and iron processing (manufacturing hunting and fishing tools, utensils, and weapons). They lived in “ulus” villages, in winter - in dugouts, in summer - in “cages” on stilts. We rode dogs. They were divided into patriarchal clans and had elected elders.

Kamchadal-Itelmen

S.P. Krasheninnikov pointed out that the words “Kamchatka”, “Kamchadal” passed to the Russians through the Koryaks, and the Kamchadals themselves called themselves Itelmens. According to V. Atlasov, in the last years of the 17th century. The Kamchadals occupied all of Kamchatka from Tigil and Uka in the north to the river. Golygina in the south. According to Atlasov, 25 thousand Kamchadals lived in the river valley alone. Kamchatka. But this is clearly an exaggerated figure. From conversations with old Kamchadals, from traditions and legends, it turns out that there used to be more villages in Kamchatka, but the villages themselves were much smaller: two to four yurts in each.

V. Atlasov was the first to report that “their winter yurts are earthen, and their summer yurts are on pillars, three fathoms high from the ground, paved with boards and covered with spruce bark, and people go to those yurts by stairs.”10 Most of the buildings in the Kamchadal village were outbuildings, sheds for drying fish. Sometimes there were up to 20 or even more booths next to one large yurt. During the short summer, the Kamchadals lived, or rather spent the night, in booths under bark or grass roofs on decks made of poles covered with grass.

Already from the first reports of Atlasov’s detachment, it became known that the Kamchadals “have baleen bows, whale bows, stone and bone arrows, and iron is not native to them,” that “the Kamchadals cut the tails of sables and mix them into clay and make pots so that the clay with wool knitted, and from others they sew earmuffs.” 162

“When fighting, the Kamchadals threw stones from behind the fortifications with slings, and threw large stones directly from the forts with their hands, fought with sticks and sharpened stakes... And in winter the Kamchadals go out to fight on skis. .., and in the summer they go to battle on foot, naked, and others in clothes.” 163

Atlasov found Kamchadals wearing clothes made from the skins of sables, foxes and deer, trimmed with dog fur. Women's home dress was khonbas; khonbas were worn from the feet. Men at home and in the summer in the fields limited themselves to only a robe loincloth. In rainy weather they wore a cape woven from grass in the form of a burka.

The Kamchadals borrowed outerwear and footwear from the Koryaks: a thick kukhlyanka, a hat, trousers and a bag made of reindeer fur and kamus - skins from the legs of a deer. On the road in winter, a double fur parka was worn over the kukhlyanka. Before putting on the torbaza - skhun, fur stockings (pamyans) were pulled on the legs with the fur facing the leg. Winter fishing shoes among the Kamchadals were made of fish skin, and the feet were wrapped with tonshich - mint grass. Tonšić was rolled up into an insole and placed in a torbaz for warmth. Under Krasheninnikov, the best women's headdress was a wig made of grass. Some women sewed their hair into a wig.

The main food of the Kamchadals during Krasheninnikov’s time was dried fish - yukola (noz) from fish of the salmon family: chinook salmon, chum salmon, red salmon, pink salmon and coho salmon. In early spring, char was caught in the rivers. Late autumn coho salmon were most often frozen and preserved for the winter. Some of the fish was smoked. The head with the vertebral bone and entrails was separated from the fish and dried separately for the dogs. For dogs, fish was stored in pits for the winter (“sour fish”).

During fishing trips, fish, cleared of scales and intestines, were placed between two sticks of the talnik, tied with the bast of the talnik and placed over the fire on four support sticks. Finely chopped nettle leaves were added to the fish. The caviar was dried in the sun and always eaten with birch and willow bark, planed finely, like noodles. Caviar was stored for future use in thick, hollow grass stems called “pipes” and dried. They believed that it was better to store it in this form and take it with you when hunting.

A prominent place in the food of the Kamchadal-Itelmens was occupied by the meat and fat of bears, sheep and pinnipeds: seals, akiba, sea lion and sealed seals. They also hunted deer in the tundra. The meat was fried and boiled; consumed raw

161 N. Ogloblin. Two “skasks” Vl. Atlasov about the discovery of Kamchatka. “Readings of social history and Russian antiquities”, book. 3, dept. 1, 1891, pp. 14.-\; Vl. Atlasov was the first to visit Kamchatka in 1697-1699. and gave a description of the newly discovered country.

162 Central State Archive of Ancient Acts. Siberian Order, stlb. 1422, pp. 1-12.

163 N. O g l o b l i n. Two “fairy tales” by Atlasov. . ., page 14. 422

Only the kidneys, liver, brains and flippers of animals were found. Even Ditmar in the middle of the 19th century. everywhere I observed the archaic method of preparing mountain sheep meat in holes dug in the ground; a fire was made in a pit and a whole carcass of a skinned mountain sheep was placed in a hot pit with ashes, first wrapped in herbs (lamb, nettle), the carcass was covered with earth on top, and it was stewed in its own juice.

Steller called the Itelmens “omnivorous animals who do not even disdain fly agarics and, on the other hand, have colossal knowledge in the field of botany... They usually know all the native plants both by their names and by their properties.”

Krasheninnikov, speaking about the food of the Itelmens, said that they eat roots, fish and sea animals. It is no coincidence that he put plant food in first place, since he saw that with plant food “the lack of bread, almost like fish, is rewarded.” 164

In early spring, as soon as the snow melted, they collected wild garlic - wild onions - in unlimited quantities. At the end of summer and autumn, tubers of kemchigi, saran, oatmeal, stems of fireweed, shelomaynik, lamb, and “sweet grass” were prepared for future use and eaten fresh and boiled. They ate and stored shiksha berries for future use, freezing them; They ate honeysuckle, blueberries, cloudberries and lingonberries, and here and there bird cherry.

There was a nut trade, women were engaged in it, going for a while into the cedar forests; they were storing nuts for the winter. Plant tubers were most often selected from store nests that housekeeper mice made in the ground for the winter. Women dug them out of the ground with special hooks - goat hooks. In general, the collection and preparation of plant food for future use lay on the shoulders of the woman.

The Itelmens ate eggs of birds - seagulls, ducks, geese. They collected 1000 eggs or more per household and stored them for the winter.

Nettles were used to twist threads that were used to sew clothes and shoes, and they were also used to knit nets. Ropes were made from black alder bast. Before the arrival of the Russians, the Kamchadal-Itelmen met with Koryak reindeer herders roaming the mountains of the peninsula, and in exchange for seal skins they received from them reindeer meat, winter clothing made from reindeer fur, shoes, hats and mittens. The Koryaks borrowed the dog sled from them. There were no mixed marriages with the Koryaks. Kamchadals, who lived south of the river. Ichi, met with the Kuriles and entered into marriage with them. Through the Kurils they received pottery, even Japanese, and fabrics. But these connections were poorly established, as storms and strong sea waves in the straits separating Cape Lopatka from the Kuril Islands interfered. And although the language of the Kurils was very different from Itelmen, these peoples understood each other.

Krasheninnikov noted that they waged wars “not for honor or glory or to expand the borders of their possessions, since they do not know wealth, glory and honor, but to avenge insults, because of food supplies, but most of all for the girls they could to take wives with less difficulty than voluntarily, because they got wives very dearly.”1b5 There were never quarrels over property or housing, because there was enough land, water, plants and animals for everyone.

Before the arrival of the Russians, the Itelmens lived by birth. Usually, representatives of one genus lived in the basin of one river or large tributary. If a family became crowded in one village, then one or two families moved up or down the river and founded a new village. On the-

164 S. P. Krasheninnikov. Description of the land of Kamchatka, page 207.

165 Ibid., p. 366.

they had no authority over themselves, “no one could command anyone.” The first information about the structure of the social life of the Kamchadals was reported by the same V. Atlasov in the second “skask”. The Kamchadals, he wrote, strengthen their forts because “clan with clan often enter into battle; that they didn’t pay yasak anywhere, they don’t have great powers over them, only whoever is richer in their family is revered more. And generation after generation goes to war and fights... And they have wives according to their own needs - one and two, three and four.” The marriage was exogamous. The position of women in the Kamchadal family was privileged: fights and battles did not start in the presence of women. In addition to fishing and hunting, men were engaged in building houses, cooking, rowing and walking on boats along rivers with poles. The woman took part in processing fish, gathering, and worked around the house: sewing, making threads for nets.

Krasheninnikov and Steller, noting the polytheism of the Itelmens, reported that the Kamchadals called the god Dussheykhtich. In honor of him, they erected a pillar on the plains, tied it with tonshich, and, when passing by, they always threw pieces of food as a sacrifice to him. Near such a “holy” place they did not pick berries and did not kill any animals or birds. The god of the sea was represented in the form of a fish bird and was called Mitg. The owner of all animals was considered Pilya-chucha, or Bilyukai, who supposedly lived on the clouds with kamuls and produced thunder, lightning, and rain.

Steller reported that the Kamchadals recognized the evil spirit Kanna. A very old alder tree near the Nizhne-Kamchatsky fort was considered his home. “The Kamchadals shot at her every year, which is why she is covered with arrows from Iznata-Kan.” Gaech was considered the god of the afterlife, the underworld. The earthquake was caused by Tuil when his dog Kozey shook off the snow.

The legends about Kutkha reveal the story of the creation of the world. The creator of the earth, Kutha, first lived in heaven, then moved to earth, where he gave birth to a son and daughter from his wife. The children grew up, got married and gave birth to a son and daughter, and so Kamchatka was gradually populated. Kutha, his wife and children wore a dress made of leaves, ate birch and tall bark, there were no animals at that time, and they had not yet learned to fish. Kutha invented a boat, and Kutha's second son invented a way to knit nettle nets and catch fish, he also created animals and began to sew warm fur clothes.

The Kamchadals “felt neither fear, nor respect, nor love for the creator and believed that everything on earth could have been arranged much better, that happiness or misfortune does not come from God, but everything depends on man; They believed that in life on earth everything was gradually getting worse and there was less of everything.” 166

The Kamchadals had a unique concept of good and bad: everything that a person needs and likes is virtuous; everything that you don’t like and scares away is harmful. The Kamchadals considered boredom and melancholy to be the greatest sin and even preferred death to them. A mortal sin for them was rescuing those who were drowning or covered in snow, or climbing volcanoes. Cursing over sour fish, boiling the meat of various animals and fish in one cauldron, scraping snow from shoes with a knife was also considered a sin.

Holidays and religious ceremonies were celebrated to ensure hunting and fishing - whale and bear holidays. Their biggest holiday was the autumn holiday, which ended with “purification” - passing through hoops made of birch twigs.

The discrepancy in the nomenclature of mythological creatures and the great difference in the vocabulary of different groups of Kamchadals show that the Kamchadals - in

166 Ibid., p. 410.

Apparently, a conglomerate of tribes and peoples who came to Kamchatka from different directions and at different times. A rapprochement between individual groups of nationalities has already occurred in Kamchatka due to its isolated position among the vast maritime spaces.

At the very edge of the world, on the road from Asia to America, lived the Aleuts - tribes related in language to the Eskimos.

Since ancient times, the Aleuts have lived on the Alaska Peninsula and on the Aleutian Islands. When Vitus Bering discovered the Commander Islands in 1741, they were uninhabited. Nevertheless, the Aleuts have their own name for the Commander Islands - Tanamas, which means “Our Land”. The Aleuts are an island people who lived in close contact with the sea and received from it everything they needed for life. The main occupation of the Aleuts was sea hunting, which supplied them with food and clothing. In the intense struggle for existence in harsh natural conditions, the Aleuts developed resilience, courage, courage and agility, and the ability to withstand the elements in any storm. They were famous as brave, fearless sailors. Endurance, endurance and patience are the main traits of their character.

I. E. Veniaminov assumed that “the population of the Aleuts in the best times extended to 25,000 people,” others believe that there were only 12-15 thousand Aleuts.

The Aleuts built their villages on the shores of the islands. The villages, as a rule, were small - five to eight yurts. On large islands there were several villages. The Aleuts had winter and summer dwellings that were sharply different from each other. The winter underground dwelling - ulyagamah - was always common and large. The buildings were oriented according to the direction of the winds, blowing mainly from east to west. Ulyagamakh looked like a barn, divided into chambers for each family. Usually related families lived in such a dwelling. Some families made special closets inside the wall where they placed their children or stored their property and food. In the summer, Aleut families went to live in small barracks - hives, which served to store fishing tools and household utensils. I. E. Veniaminov noted at one time that “all the wealth of the Aleut consisted of a yurt, a kayak, a park and a kamleik.”

The most necessary items in the life of the Aleuts were kayaks and harpoons. Previously, they had a large 12-oar kayak (ulukhtakh) for collective hunting in the sea with a double leather covering, which took 6-8-12 sea lion skins, and a kayak (ekyakh) with unparalleled seaworthiness with one hatch, which usually hunter and went hunting at sea. Kayaks with two hatches were used to teach boys sea hunting; kayaks with three hatches are a later invention. The frames for the kayaks were made by men, and the skins for them were cut and sewn collectively by women.

When preparing to go hunting at sea, the Aleuts wore a hooded kamleika made from sea lion intestines over a warm parka made from bird skins. From one intestine of a large sea lion came two camleys for adults. In inclement weather, over the Steller's kamleika they wore a second kamleika, made from the skin of seals, and the same trousers. On their feet they wore torbazas made from the skin of various animals: the tops were made of seal skin, the front was made of seal skin, and the soles were made of sea lion skin. A wooden hat with an elongated beak-shaped front part was put on the head to protect against wind and splashes. Sitting in a kayak in such a suit, the hunter covered himself under the arms with a tight-fitting belt (together) and

boldly went to sea in rain, wind and even storms. If the kayak with the hunter capsized, he put it back in place with a swing of his two-bladed oar, and not a single drop of water leaked through either the sleeves of the kamleika or the hood. The hunter could stand up to his full height in the kayak if necessary.

Parkas, that is, warm and light fur coats without a slit in the front, were made by Aleut women from the skins of puffin birds. Eagle cradles with plucked feathers, but with a dense down covering. The clothes and hat, made from bird skins, were very light and warm.

Water was carried and kept at home not in buckets, but in sea lion bladders; To store the fat of sea animals and yukola, dried fish, they also used the bladders and stomachs of seals, seals and sea lions. The stomach - sankhukh - of a small sea lion holds 50-60 pieces of yukola, and the sankhukh of a large sea lion, with skillful placement, contained 500-600 pieces. Having finished laying the yukola, the air was sucked out of the sankhukh and the neck was tightly tied with a strap. In such a vessel, yukola was preserved and did not spoil for a whole year or longer; Sankhuh protected her from dust, flies, mold and other dirt.

The Aleuts were famous for their exceptional ability to weave sea grass into mats for lining earthen floors in their homes, baskets, bags for household needs and small bags decorated with ornaments from colored grass, and later from garus. Bone was cut for harpoon tips for hunting sea animals and waterfowl.

The Aleuts ate mainly the meat and fat of sea animals (seal, sea lion, seal, walrus), fish (fresh, smoked and dried - yukola), bird meat and eggs of ducks, geese, seagulls, loons, hatchets, and moss. Each household stored two to four barrels of eggs for the winter. The “caviar” of sea urchins, mollusks, seaweed, and seaweed, which are found in abundance off the coast of the Commander Islands, were widely consumed as food. From early spring until frost, they collected wild plants and ate them, mainly wild garlic, onions, and saran. Using a curved knife, they dug out bulbs of saran and other edible plants from the ground, cleared them of the soil, and dried them on mats and bedding in the sun and wind. Before boiling, the tubers and onions were thoroughly washed in several waters and eaten like potatoes. For the winter, they stocked several barrels of boiled and crushed saran, tightly compacted in barrels, poured seal fat on top and covered with berries, mainly shiksha. In early spring, they collected the roots of the hagelis grass from the hills, steamed them, which made them tasty and sweet. Hagelis was eaten with sour seal or sea lion fat. They collected and stored for future use berries (honeysuckle, crowberry, rowan) and mushrooms - porcini, aspen, solyanka (unlike other peoples of the north).

Aleutian society was divided into three class groups, as I. E. Veniaminov wrote: honorable, commoners and slaves. Only honorable people had the right to own slaves (kalgas); commoners very rarely owned slaves. Kalga could not have his own property: everything he acquired belonged to his owner. The price of a kalga was as follows: “... for a kayak and a good parka they gave a pair of kalgas, that is, a husband and a wife; for a stone knife, for a pair of pukleys (mats) and for a beaver parka they gave one slave each." 167 Kalgas appeared as a result of constant internecine wars. These were prisoners of war Aleuts, Indians, Eskimos. The children of Kalgas also became Kalgas and were inherited from generation to generation Every Aleut village certainly consisted of relatives.

The eldest in the clan (tukkuh) had power over everyone, but when discussing

167 I.E. Veniaminov. Notes on the islands of the Unalaska department, part I. St. Petersburg, 1840, p. 165.

On the most important issues, the foreman convened a court of all honorary members of the clan and the elderly. Having presented the case, he found out the general opinion, which was considered mandatory for making a final decision. In rare cases, the Aleuts used the death penalty. The most serious and incorrigible criminals were considered to be a murderer, a malicious talker, and a betrayer of public secrets. These crimes were punishable by death.

From these legal norms of the Aleuts it is clear how strong the military tension was, the danger of constant internecine wars and clashes with their neighbors - the Eskimos and Indians, during which almost the entire male population was destroyed.

Women in Aleut society occupied an honorable position because they had a matriarchy, the remnants of which have survived to this day. Girls were never forced into marriage, they independently chose their husbands. If the marriage was unsuccessful, the woman was free to leave. Boys were the main labor force around the house. Women ran the household, tanned animal skins, sewed clothes, shoes, utensils, obtained plant food, and made supplies for the winter. Men bore all the burdens of sea hunting, hunting, fishing, and made canoes; the construction of yurts was also their business.

The Aleuts had a rich mythology and colorful, unique art.

Another island chain of the Pacific Ocean, the Kuril chain, has long been inhabited by the Ainu.

Conclusion

Now we can take a look at the “History of Siberia” within the framework of our volume at one glance.

All the documentary material summarized in the volume clearly refutes racist views on world history, on the relationship between and the place of “small” and “big” peoples in it.

The peoples of Siberia made an original contribution to world culture. Their history is an inseparable and essential part of the history of the Soviet people, and with it the world history of mankind. It begins with human exploration of the space between the Urals and the Pacific Ocean. The initial penetration of man into Northern Asia occurred, perhaps, much earlier than is commonly thought, long before the last, Sartan, glaciation. 20-25 thousand years ago on the shores. Angara, Yenisei, Selenga and Lena already had communities of Paleolithic hunters who obtained their food by hunting mammoths, rhinoceroses and reindeer. At the same time, Paleolithic people penetrated here not from any one center, but from various regions of Europe and Asia, primarily from the periglacial zone of Europe, as well as from Central Asia and, probably, from Central Asia - Mongolia.

The development of new areas in the depths of Asia was at the same time the process of the emergence of new centers of culture, including art. This is evidenced by remarkable examples of essentially realistic artistic creativity of mammoth hunters, found first at the Military Hospital in Irkutsk, and then in Malta and Bureti, the same mainly as in the Dordogne, in Moravia, on the Don in Kostenki. or in Mezin in Ukraine.

The culture of the Paleolithic tribes of Siberia, as it finally developed towards the end of the Ice Age, reveals amazing STABILITY. Here there was no such a sharp change as there was in the “microlithic revolution” in the West. Bypassing it, the ancient tribes of Siberia entered a new, Neolithic era of their history. This can be explained, one must think, on the one hand, by the stability of the ethnic composition of the local population over thousands of years, and on the other hand, by the fact that even in the depths of the Paleolithic and especially at that stage, which can be called the Siberian Mesolithic or, with the same right, the Epipaleolithic, foundations for further progress.

At this time, liner guns appeared, and then harpoons. The first domestic animal in history, the dog, was also domesticated early.

In Siberia, 4-5 thousand years ago, the descendants of Paleolithic people, the Neolithic people, were still overwhelmingly at the level of the ancient hunting-gathering and fishing economy. However, this economy could no longer be called primitive. Hunters in the Baikal region, for example, have the world's first Serov bow

enhanced or even complex type. They create a rich set of tools that serve the needs of their hunting industry. They developed an original type of light, swinging clothing and must have had birch bark boats and skis. Realistic art, animalistic at its core, is also developing. In a word, a unique ethnographic complex of the culture of foot hunters of the taiga is emerging, determined by human life in new landscape conditions: the open spaces of the steppes and tundras of the Ice Age have now been replaced by the taiga, the boundless green sea. At the same time, no less developed and specialized cultures of Far Eastern fishermen and sea hunters are emerging, and in Primorye and the Middle Amur - also farmers - representatives of a fundamentally new production economy.

Against the background of this progressive development in the field of material culture and economy, no less important events are taking place in another sphere of the historical process - ethnic. To the west of the Urals and up to the Yenisei, a group of Neolithic monuments appears as an integral massif, which are characterized by such features as pitted and streamed patterns on vessels and the image of a bird (duck) in art. To the east of the Yenisei in Eastern Siberia, unique monuments of the Baikal Neolithic culture and other related cultures of taiga hunters are widespread. The third large world of the Neolithic tribes begins in the upper reaches of the Amur and can be called the Far Eastern, or Pacific. Within each such area, one can trace smaller local units, which are often interlayered and overlap each other in a mosaic manner. Behind the relationships between groups of Neolithic monuments - archaeological cultures, even more complex relationships between specific ethnic formations can be traced.

Between the Urals and Yenisei the process of formation of the Ugro-Samoyed ethnic community unfolded. In the East Siberian taiga and the upper reaches of the Amur, that ethnocultural complex arose that was preserved until recently among the northern Tungus and their counterparts in culture (but not in language) - the Yukaghirs. On the Amur and in Primorye there lived groups of tribes, the culture of which, as evidenced by archeology and ethnography, survived remnantly among the Amur tribes of the 18th-19th centuries. - Nivkhs, Ulchis and Nanais. Among the Itelmens and settled Koryaks, as well as among the Eskimos, the ancient Neolithic culture lived steadily and dominated until contact with Europeans.

The Neolithic era was, therefore, a decisive ethnohistorical boundary in the past of the peoples of Siberia and the Far East, the period of the initial formation of those ethnic groups and cultures that one way or another have reached our time and are in the full sense of the word aboriginal - the initial basis for the further development of Siberian nationalities.

Subsequently, in the Bronze Age and in the early Iron Age, when stone in technology was replaced by metal, new great changes took place in the economy of a number of Siberian tribes, primarily those of them who inhabited the fertile Minusinsk basin, Tuva, the steppes of Western Siberia and the steppe regions Transbaikalia. Already in the 2nd millennium BC. e. The Andronovo tribes developed a complex cattle-breeding and agricultural economy, the classic example of which later became in the 1st millennium BC. e. way of life of the Tagar tribes in the Minusinsk region. Then, in the steppes of Eurasia and Altai, pastoralists and horse nomads spread with their felt yurts, “animal” style and the first epic poems, with a predatory warlike aristocracy at their head. The movements of nomadic tribes and their social system, the ever-increasing needs of the steppe aristocracy for luxury contributed to a sharp expansion of political

cultural, economic and cultural ties with other countries, including the Scythians-Sakas and ancient civilizations of the classical East. At the same time, the expansion of the steppe people, predominantly Iranian in language and culture, began in the areas occupied by the carriers of the ancient hunting and fishing culture. This is how, in particular, the surprisingly “hybrid” art of Ust-Polui culture arises.

If at first these cultural and political ties were oriented mainly to the West, then at the end of the 1st millennium BC. e. significant changes are taking place. A powerful tribal association of the Huns emerges in the steppes of Central Asia. The expansion of the Huns to the west is unfolding. 1st millennium AD e. The leading role in the steppes passes to the Turks. You are beginning a new, Turkic, period in the history of Central Asia and throughout the “steppe belt” of Eurasia. The first steppe empires and the first nomadic states took shape - the Turkic Khaganates, in which new, fundamentally feudal social relations occupied a decisive place. The reflection of these events is found in Siberia everywhere where the steppe people could roam with their herds - from Khingan and Korea to the Urals.

At the same time, the first states of the Far Eastern tribes emerged. In Manchuria, in Primorye and partly on the Amur, first the states of Bohai and the Khitan Liao Empire appeared, and then the even more powerful Golden Empire of the Jurchens (Jin). These states were created at the same time as Kievan Rus, in the 11th-13th centuries, by the Tungusic (Bohai and Jin) and Mongolian peoples (Liao). The socio-political evolution and economy of the Far Eastern tribes reach their highest point at this stage.

But everything was interrupted by new events of a catastrophic scale, which left their mark for a long time not only in the history of Siberia, but also in world history. In the steppes along Onon and Kerulen, Mongol tribes gather under the banners of Genghis Khan. The conquering Mongols rush first against their eternal enemy - the Jurchens, and then against China. The Mongol conquest destroyed the Jurchen state and culture. After a stubborn struggle, many East Siberian tribes, starting with the “forest Mongols,” as well as the steppe nomads of Western Siberia, came under the rule of the Mongol conquerors for a long time.

Subsequently, a new aggression began from the depths of Asia by the Manchu feudal lords, who created in the 17th-18th centuries. its as powerful as it is warlike state. The Manchus conquered China and Mongolia for 300 years. They imposed their Asian order in the countries they captured, including Mongolia, neighboring Siberia, and brutally enslaved the conquered peoples.

Their policies contributed to deepening stagnation in the development of productive forces among those peoples who were not part of the direct rule of the Manchus. This stagnation in the Far East and Manchuria was caused first by the heavy blow that came with the invasion of the Mongols and the death of the Jurchen state. The emergence of the Manchu Empire did not contribute to the progressive development of even the homeland of the Qing dynasty, Manchuria. It served only as a source from which the Manchu feudal lords drew human and manna reserves for new conquests. Primorye and the Amur region, which did not belong to China and the Manchus, generally remained aloof from everything that happened outside their borders: the old primitive communal orders and ancient forms of economy that had developed over centuries were still preserved there.

The remaining areas of Siberia were acutely affected by the negative influence of harsh natural conditions. Having reached a certain level

In the development of productive forces, the population of the taiga and tundra has exhausted its capabilities. It could no longer go beyond hunting and fishing, relying only on its own strength and resources, without progressive incentives, without outside support. Here, natural economy reigned supreme everywhere, and archaic social relations existed that did not rise to the level of the primitive community. At best, there was an interweaving of the primitive communal system with elements of feudalism. Therefore, the circumstance that the aggression of the Manchu feudal lords collided with the powerful counter force of the Russian centralized state and choked on its borders, which stretched already in the 17th century, was of decisive importance for the further history of Siberia. to the Pacific Ocean.

The inclusion of Siberia into Russia had its own deep reasons and corresponded to a historical need. As V.I. Lenin wrote, “Russia geographically, economically and historically belongs not only to Europe, but also to Asia.”1 The entire history of Siberia, starting from the Paleolithic, testifies to the close connection between Siberia and the spaces lying to the west of the Urals , which connected more than separated the peoples of Eastern Europe and Asia. Such contacts begin already in those distant times when mammoth hunters begin to develop the northern deserts freed from ice. They continue later, when ethnic communities of Finnish, Samoyed and Ugric tribes are formed on both sides of the Urals. Then the tribes related to the Scythians of the Black Sea region and the Sakas of the Pamirs and their cultures spread all the way to the depths of Central Asia. Over time, a Sogdian colony settled on the banks of the Angara, and Turkic tribes, according to the chronicle, “acted heroically” from the Danube to the river. Yellow.

During the Mongol Empire, the Russian lands experienced a common fate with Siberia and at the same time became a barrier on the path of the conquerors who threatened the rest of the world.

300 years ago, this barrier was pushed east to the banks of the Amur and the Sayan Range, this time against new contenders for dominance in Asia - the Manchu Qing dynasty. And then the peoples of Siberia will forever, forever unite within one powerful state with the Russian people and other peoples of our Motherland. This was for them a new path to the future, complex and contradictory, but generally, from the point of view of the general historical perspective, certainly progressive. Having become part of the Russian state, the peoples of Siberia throughout its entire territory fell under the rule of tsarism. But at the same time, they came into direct contact with the Russian people, joined advanced civilization, the high culture of the Russian people, and found in it a powerful incentive for their further development. Their joint struggle for a better future began.

1 V. I. Leni, Complete. collection soch., vol. 30, p. 326.

Name index 1

Aan Alakhchin hotun 394

Aan Darkhan-toyon (Khatan Timieriye)

Abaoji Yelu 315, 316

Abd-ar-Rashid 291

Abramov N. A. 355 Abramova 3. A. 11. 31, 49, 71

Abu Dulef 300, 301

Abulgazi 366

Abu-l-Khaira Khoja Muhammad 364, 365

Aguda 326-328, 330-333, 336-338

Agunay 324

Adrianov A.V. 18, 25, 190

Ayysyt-toyon 394

Ayyy-toyon see Yuryung Ayyy-toyon

Aksenov M.P. 11, 31, 80

Alasun 404

Aldier 384

Alexander the Great 13

Alekseev V.P. 117, 166, 170, 253

Alekseev M.P. 13, 28, 369

Alekseev S. 414

Alihuman 327

Alpysbaev X. 71

Altyn Khans 376

Ambaghyan 322, 324

Anahuan 270

Anderson I. 184

Andreev A.I. 5, 14, 15

Andreev G.I. 33, 262

Andreev S. 351

Andreeva Zh. V. 11, 33, 261, 264

Andrievich V.K. 6

Anisimov A. F. 26, 27

Anuchin D. N. 19

An Lu-shan 284

Aolo (Zuyuan) 335, 342

Aristov N. Ya. 19

Arsaan Duolay 393 Arsenyev V.K. 22 Arutyunov S.A. 33 Asada 7

Asu 326, 327, 332

Asimen 329

Atlasov V.V. 416, 417, 421, 422, 424

Attila 303

Auerbach N.K. 25, 26, 63, 69 Akhachu 405

Ahien-shad see Ashina

Ashina (Akhien-shad) 267, 269

Ashkenei 363

Bagauddin 19

Badzhey 387, 390

Baz-Kagan 292

Bai Bayanai 389, 394

Bakai N. 393

Baladata 404

Banzarov D. 380

Baoholi 324, 325

Barberini R. 369

Bars-run 302

Bartold V.V. 27, 291, 293, 296, 297,

300, 302, 373, 377, 396

Basandai 363

Batu 364, 365

Bakhrushin S.V. 5, 28, 358, 377

Bayakshin 400

Bekbulat 366, 371, 372

Belov M. I. 416

Belyavsky F. 235

Berg L. S. 73

Beregovaya N.A. 44, 351

Bering V. 425

Bernshtam A. N. 32, 249, 388

Berro S. 370

Billingshausen F. F. 16

Bilge Kagan see Mogilyan

Bilyukai see Pilyachuch

Bichurin N. Ya. (Iakinf) 17, 18, 242-252 255, 256, 265-267, 278 279, 281, 290, 291, 300-302, 314, 320, 245, 251 270, 272, 298, 299 ,

Bogdanov M. N. 21, 28

Bogoraz-Tan (Bogoraz V. G. Tan-Bogoraz)

23, 26, 27, 54, 95, 350.

Borowl 384

Boyarshinova 3. Ya. 11, 30

Brunel O. 370

Buddha 290, 372-374

Bumyn Kagan 291

Busse F. F. 21, 142

The index includes the names of some clans, tribes and dynasties.

Bushey A. 20

Buyan-biy 365

Biela 328, 365

Bert-hara 390

Waben 334

Wagner L. 370

Vadai 327, 329, 331

Vadetskaya E. B. 11, 165

Vainstein S.I. 11, 32, 227, 253, 286

Valiben 325

Valu 329, 331, 342

Vangenheim E. A. 11.61

Wang Hui 406

Wang Zhao-zhou 406

Wanyan 324-326,

Wanyan Xiyin 333

Vasai 329, 331

Vasilevich G. M. 11, 27, 32, 206, 400, 401

Vasiliev V. P. 22, 320, 335, 340

Vasilievsky R. S. 11, 33

Vdovin I. S. 11, 33, 414, 415

Velyaminov-Zernov V.V. 19

Veniaminov I. E. 17, 425,

Verbov G. D. 26, 27, 29

Viktorova L.L. 11, 251

Vitashevsky N. A. 23

Witzen N. 5, 14

Vitkovsky N. I. 20

Vladimirtsov B. Ya. 27, 383

Vorobyov M. V. 33

Wrangel F. P. 409, 410

Wei 266, 269, 270, 279

Wei Wang 337

Weiliu 260

Weijun 316

Gavrilov Vasily Brazhnik 369

Gavrilov F. 410

Gaozhenyi 315

Gaohou 250

Gaozu 250, 311

Gaotside 315, 317

Gao Yun-chan 341

Gardizi 274 291

Garrut V. E. 38

Gedenstrom M. 16, 17

Georgi I. I. 16

Gerasimov M. M. 25, 44, 46, 56

Herodotus 103, 230, 237

Gluskaya 3. K. 118

Gmelin I. G. 15

Gogolev Z.V. 11, 393

Golubev V. A. 33

Gopat Shah 293, 294

Gorsky V. 23

Gauthier Yu. V. 370

Grach A. D. 11, 30, 227, 232

Grebenshchikov A. V. 23

Grigoriev A. A. 76, 184,

Grishin Yu. S. 213

Gromov V.I. 26, 38,44, 47, 57, 58, 61, 62

Grum-Grzhimailo G.E. 27, 244, 245, 284

Gryaznov M.P. 11, 29, 30, 117, 168, 170, 184, 227, 229, 232, 240

Guangxian 316

Gudulu see Ilteres Kagan,

Gurvich I. S. 11, 33 416

Guryev N. A. 153

Gyuryata Rogovich 13

Davydov D. 215, 216

Davydova A.V. 31, 250

Yes Yingzhuang see Yingzhuang

Dalai 333, 335

Dalobyan 271

Daoji 337

Yes Songlin see Songlin

Yes Qinmao see Qinmao

Yes Yanling see Yanling

Debets G.F. 25, 27, 33, 205

Devlet-Girey 372

Derevianko A. P.

Jenkinson A. 370

Jochi 365, 372

Digudey 326-328

Digunay 337, 338, 343

Digunai see Esykuy

Dikov N.N. 11, 31, 33, 93, 212. 221

Dietmar K. 423

Long Dyurantay 388

Dmitriev A. A. 20

Dolgikh B.O. 27, 31, 33, 387, 409, 416

Dorbo-Dokshin 384

Dravert P. L. 25

Dulzon A.P. 29, 98, 361

Think L.I. 316

Dongyen 326, 327

Dussheykhtich 424

Dyrenkova N. P. 27

Dyilga Khan 393, 394

Dyakonova V.P. 253, 33, 145, 310

Evtyukhova L. A. 25, 282, 289, 297-299

Edigey 364

Ediger 366, 371, 372

Ekmychi 369

Ermak 5, 10, 13, 19, 358

Ermolova N. M. 262

Efimenko P. P. 58

Zhelubovsky Yu. S. 33

Rui Zong 313, 314

Zabelina N. N. 33

Zalkind E. M. 32

Zaporizhskaya V.D. 55, 200, 296

Zakharov I. V. 318

Zelenin D.K. 26, 27

Znamensky N. S. 18

Zolotarev A. M. 26, 27, 354

Zuev V.F. 236, 356

Zuev Yu. A. 284

Ibak 364, 366, 368

Ivan III 368, 369

Ivan IV 371, 372

Ivaniev L.N. 25, 262

Igichey Alachev 357

Ignatiev I. 414

Idea I. 401

Iyekhsit 394

Ilbis kyysa 394

Ilbis Khan 391, 394

Ilteres Kagan (Gudulu, Kutlug) 272, 273, 282, 291, 292. 302

Imtugmit 421

Inge 326-328

Yingzhuang (Da Yingzhuang) 315, 316

Yin-zheng 248

Ionov V. M. 23

Yokhelson V. I. 23, 132, 153, 343, 344,

Isunke 380

Ishikha 405-407

Yetmar K. 184

Kalpik 368

Kan Van 404, 406

Kang Zhen 406

Kandangu 410

Kapagan (Mocho, Mojo) 273, 302

Karlgren B. 184

Kartsev V. G. 25, 28, 203

Castren A. M. 17

Katanov N. F. 19, 291, 358

Katkov A. F. 203

Kafarov P. 22, 342, 403

Kashchenko N.F. 13, 61

Kennan D. 7

Kiselev S.V. 24, 25, 29, 30, 159, 168, 184, 187, 191, 261, 276, 297-301

Klements D. A. 18, 19, 21, 23, 386

Kozhbahty 363

Kozin S. A. 27, 28, 384

KOZLOV P.K. 20

Kozyreva R.V. 11, 33

Kozmin N. N. 28, 296, 377

Komarova M. N. 98> 99, 165, 170, 178,

Kon F. Ya. 23

Konrad N.I. 320

Krasheninnikov S.P. 6, 15, 17, 131, 132, 344, 416-418, 421-423

Kreinovich Yu. A. 409

Krivtsova-Grekova O. A. 174

Kropotkin L. A. 21

KsenoTsyuntov G. V. 27

Kudryavtsev F. A. 28

Kuzemenkey 363

Kuznetsov A.K. 20

Kuznetsov S.K. 18

Kuluk-Saltan 364

Kupriyanova 3. N. 29

Kurbsky S. 369

Kurbsky F. (Black) 368

Kurmanak 357, 358

Kurov D. N. 371

Kutlug see Ilteres Kagan

Kuchum 358, 366, 367, 371, 372, 378

Kydai Bakhsy 394

Kyzlasov L. R. 11, 29, 227, 253, 258, 287, 289, 297, 301, 372

Kychanov E. I. 11.320

Kalteeki Sabiya 392

Kyuzo Kato 8

Kul-Tegin 20, 273, 274, 282, 292

Kuner N.V. 27, 267, 280, 281, 297-302

Kyupi (Chebi Khan) 272

Landy-Chekha 410

Laoshan 247, 250

Larichev V. E. 10, 11, 31, 33, 262, 341

Latkin P. A. 18

Laufer B. 137

Lakha Batyr 390

Levashova V.P. 25, 365

Leventhal L. G. 23

Levin M. G. 8, 33, 347, 354, 409

Lengyel E. 8

Lenin V. I. 431

Lepekhin I. I. 235

Lesner E. 8

Liguangli 249, 260

Likaigu 312, 313

Lilin 260, 261

Limgan 329

Lindenau J. 15, 387

Lipsky A. N. 29. 30, 66, 168, 170

Lee Jin-chung 312

Lomonosov M.V. 6, 7, 370

Lopatin I. A. 132

Lor-uz odyr 356

Luque 326-328

Liao 316, 320, 322-324, 327-334, 338,

341, 379, 430 Lyatik 369

Magakia 217

Madagu 339

Madygy Törönoy 391

Maikov L. N. 14

Mainov I. I. 23

Makidu 408

Maksimenkov G. A. 11, 165

Malov S. E. 32, 274, 278, 285, 289,

Maltseva N. A. 11 Malyavkin A. G. 320

Mamet (Mahmst) 364

Mametkul 357

Mamrokhpagmit 421

Manduhe 327

Maodulu 326

Marwazi T. 381, 396

Margaritov V.P. 21 261 262

Marco Polo 381, 383

Marx K. 367

Martin F. 18

Martynov A.I. 10, 11, 241

Martyanov N. M. 25

Weight I. 370

Matveev 3. N. 27, 315

Matyushin G. N. 11

Matyushkin F, F. 410

Matyushenko V. I. 11, 100, 170, 179

Mahmet see Mamet

Ma Zhang-shou 279

Medvedev G.I. 11, 31, 80

Melioransky P. M. 20, 292

Mercator G. 370

Mehrhart 26

Messerschmidt D. G. 14, 187

Metelius Scipio 233

Middendorf A. F. 134, 135

Miller G. F. 5, 6, 15, 16, 357, 369, 395, 411

Milyukov P. N. 369

Min 22, 403, 404, 406, 407

Mogilnikov G. M. 11

Mogilyan (Bilge Kagan) 20, 273, 274, 283, 292

Mode 247, 248, 250, 257

Mokjang 323

Moldan 369

Morgan L.G. 26

Mochanov Yu. A. 33, 119

Mocho see Kapagan Mocho see Kapagan Moshinskaya V.I. 11, 29, 234, 354, 355

Moyun-chur 284-286, 288

Murtaza 366, 371

Muhan 270, 271, 281

Myngung 340

Mailaoseli 316

Manhun 355

Myagkov I. 241

Miaosun 325

Nagenne 326

Nanyang 317

Naryshkin V.V. 412

Nasonov A. N. 367

Nakhachu 404

Nekrasov I. A. 151, 221

Nelson N. 89, 90

Neryungin 392

Ningyasu 340

Novitsky G. 14. 97, 359

Notulu-shod 267

Nunangmeet 421

Nurkhani 408

Ovchinnikov M. P. 20

Ogloblin N. N. 422

Ogorodnikov V.I. 8, 28 409 417

Ogryzko I. I. 415, 416

Odun Khan (Chyngys Khan) 394

Oyeongcheon 330

Okamoto R. 133

Okladnikov A. P. 7, 8, 10, 11, 25 77 30, 31, 33, 44, 46, 47, 55, 87 88 104, 118, 119, 127, 128, 136, 137 141, 145, 151, 153, 196, 203, 204 207, 215-218, 221, 253, 261-264 291-293, 295, 296, 308, 310, 314, 320, 345, 347, 351, 383, 384, 388, 390 , 392, 396, 405, 409, 412

Oksenov A. V. 20

Olebek-digin 384

Omogoy-bye 388

Omollon 390

Orlova E. P. 11

Osmolovsky G. 23

Osol uola 394

Ossovsky G. O. 18

Pavlinov D. M. 23

Pallas P.S. 15, 16

Panichkina M. 3. 65

Panov V. A. 23, 403, 407, 408

Panyady 371

Patkanov S.K. 20, 355

Pekarsky E.K. 23

Peredolsky V.V. 203

Perm Trifon 358

Perfilyev M. 387

Peter I 5, 232

Petri B. E. 21, 25, 26, 60, 65, 383

Petrun V. F. 87

Pignatti V. 19

Pilyachuch (Bilyukai) 424

Pliny 103

Pozdneev A. M. 21

Pozdneev D. 266, 310

Polashu 326

Polevoy B.P. 411

Polyakov I. S. 18

Popov A. A. 26, 27

Popov G. A. 28

Popov P. 23, 317, 403, 406

Potanin G. N. 21

Potapov L.P. 11, 26-28, 30, 274

Potapov R. L. 232

Przhevalsky N. M. 63

Prokofieva E. D. 359

Pronina G. I. 11

Pujiang 328

Torture 369

Peiman 337

Pyatkin B. G. 11

Radlov V.V. 19, 20, 30, 159, 187

Razin A. I. 261

Rashid al-din 373, 382, ​​385

Redrikov D. N. 25

Remezov S. U. 5, 14, 365

Rizhsky M.I. 11

Rozov G. 320

Rubruk V. 274

Rubtsova E. S. 33

Rudenko S. I. 8, 30 32 227, 244, 256,

Rumyantsev G. N. 11 32 Rust A. 43 Rygdylon E. R. 185 Rynkov K. M. 26, 27 Ryabushinsky F. P. 23

Sabyryky 392

Savenkov I. T. 18.25, 118

Savinov D. G. 232

Sagay 327, 328

Sagan-Secen 385

Saliha 334, 338

Salnikov K.V. 179, 238

Sapunov B. S. 33, 74

Sartaktai 293

Sarychev G. A. 16. 351

Sayapin A.K. 221

SvininV. V. 31

Northern Qi 271

Northern Zhou 271

Sedna 54, 550

Sedyakina E. F. 11, 31

Seydyak 366

Sergeev D. A. 11, 33, 347, 420

Seroshevsky V. 24

Xiluandi 247

Silyakshagmit 420

Xizong (Hela) 333-337

Skryaba V. 368

Slovtsov P. A. 5

Slyunin N. 128

Seonjeong 323

Sorokin V. S. 174, 178

Sosnovsky G. P. 24-26, 44, 62, 69, 213, 242, 243. 245, 250

Sokhhor Duoai 392

Spassky G. I. 17

Spafariy N. G. 13

Stadukhin M. 412, 415

Steller G.V. 15, 32, 131, 423, 424

Stepanov N. N. 10, 11, 34

Stefan Permsky 368

Stralenberg I.F. 14, 393

Stroganov 357

Subudai 340

Sui 267, 271, 280, 283, 310, 311

Song 333, 334, 338 340

Songlin (Da Songlin) 315

Simatsyan 242 243, 245, 250

Sam Y. A. 317

Seerkeen Sesen 388

Xiubao Shounu 335

Shunko-haan Shuge toyon 394

Syagogmit 420

Xiao Xiong-ning 323

Xiaoxiaoxian 317

Xiaofuli 332

Taizu 404

Talitskaya I. A. 355

Talko-Gryntsevich Yu. D 20 242

Tan 267, 273, 297, 302, 312, 377

Tan-Bogoraz V. G. see Bogoraz-Tan

Tanshihai 252, 253, 307

Tardush Khan 271

Tatishchev V. N. 14, 15

Temujin see Genghis Khan

Tengri 283

Teploukhov S. A. 24, 25, 159, 184, 187

Tieteybit Bootur 390, 391

Toba Way 253

Tobo 270, 271, 283

Tokarev S. A. 26-28, 29, 32, 390, 392

Tokkash 363

THICK S.P. 183

Thomsen V. 16, 20

Tonyukuk 273

Tokhtamysh 364

Travkin I. S. 368

Tugarinov A. Ya. 63, 123

Tudiji 310, 311

Tuli (Yanhan) 271

Tuluy 339, 340

Fog 247, 248

Tumen 267, 270

Tundalakh 406

Tuntuhe 249

Tygyn 387, 390

Taylor E. 26

Tyumenets V. 387

Tuerey 392

Tyagrul 371

Tian Zhu-cheng 405

Uvarov A. S. 48

Ugunay 325

Ogedei 339, 340, 379, 380

Udabu 339, 340

Ukimai 333

Ulagashev N. U. 27

Ulu (Shizong) 338, 339

Umansky A.P. 303

Unkebil-Hosun 409

Uraev R. A. 241

Uren-Hosun 409

Usun Dyurantayi Suruksut 388

Wuzhu 334, 335

Ushaty P. 369

Wells G. 94

Uyasu 328-332

Fanshi 328

Fedorov A. 3. 22

Fedoseeva S. A. 11, 39, 119

Firsov Pozdey 387

Fusehu 338

Fengwan 333

Khamzina E. A. 31

Khangalov M. N. 21, 385, 386

Hanlibu 333

Hanpu 324, 332

Khatan Timieriye see Aan Darkhan-toyon

Heihuan 328

Heli 271, 272, 280, 284

Khlobystina M. D. 181

Khodukin Y. N. 25, 60

Khomporuun Hotoy aiyy 394

Good P.P. 25, 31

Khramova V.V. 361

Kublai 402

Khudukha-beki 382, ​​384

Hushahu 335, 339, 340

Hala see Xizong

Halibo 325, 328

Hatt G. 151

Tseytlin S. M. 61

Jin (Golden Empire, Jurchen) 11, 307, 320, 324, 332-335, 339,

340, 342, 375, 379, 405, 430

Jinxing 310, 311

Jin Yu-fu 313-315, 317, 318

Zuorong 312-314, 317

Zongben 337

Zuyuan see Aolo Qibushi 327

Qing 248, 408, 430, 431

Qin Yin-zheng see Qin Shi Huangdi Qinmao (Da Qichmao) 315, 318

Qin Shi Huang (Qin Yin-zheng) 248

Tsis Biyu 3 12

Qiqi Zhongxiang 312

Tsevan-Rabtan 379

Chagatai 339

Changwenxu 314

Changchun 373, 375, 376

Chebi Khan see Kyupi Chegra 364

Chekanovsky A. L. 20, 59, 60, 400

Chenlin 340

Chernetsov V. N. 25-27, 29, 96, 100, 241, 304, 355

Chernyshev N.A.100

Chersky I. D. 20, 48, 59, 60

Zhang Xing-ji 313

Zhang Xuan 315

Zhanmoha 338

Zhanqiang 249

Zhidu 326-328

Zhilihai 325

Zhizhi 249

Zhou 247, 271, 283

Zhonghing Yue 247

Zhuchi 339, 384

Chinggis Khan (Temuchin) 16, 303 339 340, 364, 372, 379-381, 384, 385, 430

Chorbogor Batyr 390

Chubukov Tretyak 372

Chugunov S. M. 18

Chulo-khan 271

Chuluro Selergun 398

Chyngys Khan see Odun Khan

Shabolio (Shetu) 269, 271, 278

Shavkunov E. V. 11, 33, 307, 317

Shalgan 400

Shaman (Samai) 400

Chardin T., de 89

Shakhmatov A. A. 13

Sheybani Khan 364

Shengong 330

Shetu see Chabolio

Shidihuan 328, 329

Shilu 324, 325

Shintavul 399

Shitumyn 325, 327, 329, 330, 341

Shizong see Ulu

Shletser A. 6

Schmidt P. P. 22

Schneider E. 168

Schott W. 299

Shrenk L. I. 22, 131, 132, 135, 156

Staden G. 369

Sternberg L. Ya. 22, 26, 131, 133, 138

Shengun 330

Shende 316

Shcheglov I. V. 5

Ejen 401, 402

Eichwald E. I. 17

Elibao 327

Ellyai-Bootur 388

Engels F. 86, 367

Ergis G.U. 32, 392

Esykuy (Digunay) 341, 342

Yuan 381, 402, 403

Yungwan 329-331

Yunji 339

Yuryung Aiyy-toyon 388, 393, 394,

Yabolak 364 Yaglakar 284

Yalpinma, N. M. 20, 21, 274

Yamgurchey 364

Yankovsky M. I. 21

Yanling (Yes Yanling) 317

Yang Zhong-jiang 89

Yanhan see Tuli

Yastremsky S. V. 23

Yash Ak bash 289, 290

Bogoras W. 23, 26

Castren M. A. 17

Chavannes E. 271

Fong Chia-sheng 316

Giddings I. L. 350

Jochelson W. 23, 131, 411

LiuVMau-tsai 267, 269-272, 277-281, 283

Maenchen-Helfen O. 267

Messerschmidt D. G. 14

Okladnikov A. P. 8, 221

Patkanov S. 356, 357

Ponosov V. V. 89

Pullejblank E. G. 284, 288

Rafney F. 346, 347, 349

Ralph E. 346, 349

Ruclenko S. I. 8

Shirokogoroff S. 397

Strahlenberg F. J. 393

Teilhard de Charbin P. 89.

Wittfogel K. A. 326

Geographical index

Abakan, 260

Abakan, r. 14, 68, 166, 268, 281, 298, 299, 378

Abakan steppe 19, 190

Abakansky prison 15

Avvakumovka 264

Aginsky national district 216

Aginskoye 215

Agitsky town 366

Asia 6, 7, 9, 10, 26, 40, 43, 44, 49, 59, 72-76, 85, 90, 92, 93, 97, 139, 144, 151, 154, 200, 257, 307, 310 , 314, 370, 381, 395, 419, 425, 428, 430-432, 443

Alazeya 409, 410, 411

Alashan 268

Abaza 400

Aldan 33, 95, 119, 120, 122, 207, 209, 387, 401

Alekseevskoe settlement 178

Aleutian Islands 23, 91, 154, 425

Altai-Sayan Highlands see Sayan-Altai Highlands

Altai (Altai Mountains) 11, 13, 15-19, 29, 30, 40, 41, 44, 65-67, 69-71, 78-80, 85, 159, 161, 162, 172, 186, 194, 196 , 211, 217, 218, 227, 228, 230-233, 239, 266, 268, 269, 271, 272, 274-279, 281, 282, 284, 288, 296, 302-304, 306, 360, 376 , 381, 382, ​​429

Altyrsky ulus 378

Altysarsky ulus 377

Alchuk 324, 325

Alaska 32, 89, 90, 93, 151, 347, 419, 425

Amga 209, 387

Amguem 221, 412

Amgun 401

America 26, 38, 93, 139, 141, 151, 154, 345, 419, 425

Amnokkan 317

Amu Darya 40, 96, 179, 185

Amur 7, 22, 28, 32, 42, 66, 69, 72, 86, 89-91, 94, 95, 116. 126-141, 145 147-149, 153, 156, 252, 264 265 268, 307- 309, 320, 321, 334, 343, 392, 396, 401-407, 429-431

Amur Bay 261, 262

Amur region 21-23, 132, 135, 262

Anadyrsky Estuary 412, 413

Anadyrsky prison 416

Anadyr 151, 222, 350, 409, 410, 412, 415, 416

Angara 20-28, 31, tab. 38-39, 41, 44, 45, 47, 49, 51, 56-61, 65-67, 70-72, 79, 80, 82, 84, 85, 88, 94, 104, 105, 107, 111, 113, 117, 119, 120, 124, 125, 132, 199, 201, 206, 210, 211, 268, 291, 292-294, 297, 387, 396, 400, 428, 431

Angkola see Angara

Andreevskaya parking lot 96

Andrew's Lake 96, 100

Andronovo 24, 178

Antalsky Cape 234

Anuchinsky district 319

Anbian 316, 318

Anyuan 318

Anyang 184, 185

Anyui 401, 412

Aral Sea 249

Argun 213,251, 268

Arctic 38, 39, 64, 76, 95, 127, 343, 346-348, 419

Arctic coast 348

Artemgres 142, 220

Assyria 230, 233

Astrakhanka 91

Astrakhan Khanate 358

Astrakhan 371

Asuchen 327, 328

Atargan 344, 345

Afanasieva Gora 24, 161, 162, 164

Afontova II, III table. 38-39, 58, 62-

64, 69 Afontova Gora 18, 25, 44, 62, 63, 65, 68,

70, 71, 78, 79, 85, 105, 119, 203,

Africa 42, 43, 68, 77 Achinsk 71, 377 Ayatskoye Lake 354

Badai 44, 65

Bazaikha 18, 117, 118, 203-205

Baidinsky caves 296

Baikal 13, 21, 28, 31, 39, 44, 49, 59, 61 65, 72, 94, 184, 196, 206, 210-212, 214, 215, 218, 249, 266-270, 272, 291, 292, 295, 302, 381, 382, ​​387, 388, 396, 400 Baikal coast 292 Bairaki 381 Bai-Khaka 373 Bactriana 230

Balagansk 31, 44, 60, 292-294 Balagachevo 361, 362 Baltic Sea 103 Baltic 76, 94, 133 Balkhash 268, 284 Barabinskaya steppe (forest-steppe-Baraba)

19, 237, 239, 363, 366, 372 Baranov Cape 16, 347, 350-352 Bargudzhin-Tukum 382, ​​384 Barguzin 292, 387 Bardakovka 354 Barents Sea 370 Barkul 269 Barlyk 376 Barsovo settlement 18 Barun-Konduy 379 Basandaika 361, 362

Bateni 24, 25, 117, 170

Bashadar 227

Bashadar mounds 30

Bashkiria 303

Unnamed key 87

Bekdegeul 42

Beklemisheve 213

Bektemirovskaya site 44 Belaya, r. 31, 44, 45, 57, 58, 65, 79, 80, 84, 86, 151, 221, 222, 412

Beloglazovo 303

Belogorye 359

Beloe, lake 377

Belarus 78

White Iyus 377, 378

Belkachi 120, 122

Beltyry 161

Berezov 235

Berezovka table 38-39, 249

Berezovsky region 355

Berezovsky district 355

Berezovsky prison 370

Bering Sea 32, 346, 411-416, 419

Bering Isthmus 26

Bering Strait 46, 89, 90, 95, 151, 207, 346, 352, 419

Beshbalik 273

Bibikovo 74

Biy-Khem 268

Binzhou 332

Birobidzhan Lowland 308

Biryulskoe 44

Biryusa 18, 79, 387

Biryusa V 62

Biryusinskaya site 79

Blagoveshchensk 9, 89 148

Blagoveshchensky district 308

Near Elbany 29, 240

Middle East 40

Bogdo-ola (Gaochang) 268, 269

Bogtu-ul 361

God's Lake 377

Bokujiang 403

Bolon-Ojal 134

Bolshaya, r. 416

Bolshaya Rechka 240

Bolshezemelskaya tundra 94

Big Anyui 412

Big threshold 377

Greater Khingan 21, 268

Bom-Kemchik 291

Boro-horo 268

Bosporus 303

Bohai (Bohai State) 11, 27, 307, 313-320, 337, 341, 405, 430

Bratsk 7, 31, 111, 119, 124

Bratskaya HPP 6, 28, 31

Bratsky Stone 106

British Isles 37

Bugachan 208, 209

Buga-Chuchigai 380

Budulan 212

Buirnur 381

Buret 25, 41, 44-51, 57-61, 65, 66, 68, 70-72, 79, 86, 428

Burinsky district 239

Buryatia 28, 32, 44, 184, 300

Buryat ASS.R 7, 383

Bukhori 324

Bianhan 313

Besteh 392

Bian 333, 339, 340

Babylon 233

Vagai 237, 366

Vaigach 367

Vankarem 350, 351

Vasyugan 354, 359, 360

Velikaya, r. 416

Great Mangu State 335

Hungary 227, 355

Venyukovo 91

Upper Amur region 140, 398, 401

Upper Kama 303

Upper Ob region 99, 170, 234, 239-241

Verkhneudinsk 216

Verkhneudinsky district 215

Verkhniye Chemy 99

Upper Amur 89

Verkhniy Vilyui 119, 123

Upper Yenisei 117, 268, 285, 286, 289,291, 360, 372-374

Verkhnyaya Lena 55, 65, 72, 295

Upper Ob 29, 98, 99, 100, 169, 170, 240

Upper capital (Bohai; Huiningfu, Shanjin) 316, 333, 335, 337, 338, 342

Verkhnyaya Tavda 234

Verkholensk 295, 388

Verkholenskaya Mountain 17, 26, 31, 44, 60, 65, 67, 69, 80, 82, 83, 88, 105

Verkhoyansk ridge 401

Byzantium 2/0

Vilyui 28, 33, 95, 119, 123-125, 207-210, 387, 392, 396, 401

Vishera 354, 368 Vladivostok 9, 28, 32, 88 94 141 142, 220, 263, 407

Inner Asia 39

Inner Mongolia 116, 314

Military hospital 20, 44, 48, 59, 60, 63, 428

Voznesenskoye 138

Voykar town 358

Volga 249, 303, 371

Volgo-Oksky district 104

Volga Bulgaria 305

Vorobyovo 113

Crow River (Kula-ky) 360

East Asia 40, 43, 74, 75, 82, 91,92, 116, 127, 131, 144, 145, 201, 213,

255, 314, 320, 340

Eastern Europe tab. 38-39, 41, 49,59, 76, 96, 104, 194, 211, 251, 303,

Eastern Capital (Bohai) 317, 319, 333,338

Eastern Transbaikalia 212, 216

East Sea 323

Eastern Primorye 264, 314

Eastern Urals 85, 96

Eastern Sayan 117, 268, 289, 372

Eastern Altai 30

Eastern Dan see Dundango Eastern Kazakhstan 228, 232, 286, 291

Eastern Ocean see Pacific Ocean

Eastern Tibet 21

East Turkestan 271, 290, 307

Woju 313

Vychegda 368

Vietnam 74, 92

Weikou 323

Gansu 269

Gaoli see Goguryeo

Gaochang see Bogdo-ola

Garrison Garden 318

Gelgyai 121

Gizhiga 416

Himalayas 40, 71

Girin 405, 408

Gladkaya, r. 143-145

Smooth I 144

Glazkovsky burial ground 20

Capercaillie River (Sangel-ky) 360

Gobi 40, 89, 90, 141, 257, 266, 268,270, 271

Gobi Altai 268

Holland 370

Golygina 421

Gornaya Shoria 66

Gornoaltaysk 40-42

Mountain farms 74, 342

Gorny Altai 30, 227, 266, 282, 286

Gorkoye, lake 24, 25

Greenland 37, 151, 419

Gromatukha, settlement 148

Gromatukha, r. 148

Guisui see Guihuangcheng

Guihuachen (Cucuhoto, Guisui) 268, 273

Goose Lake 216

Hyda table 36-37

Guilou 313, 314

Gyan see Yenisei

Davydov 388

Dalai-nor 268

Far Eastern region see East

Far East 7, 8-11, 18, 22 27 30 32, 33, 42, 72-75, 80, 87, 90 94 116, 117, 127, 128, 132-134 136 138-141, 144, 145, 148 , 168, 170, 184, 185, 201, 213, 218, 219, 241, 251 261, 267, 280, 281, 297, 299-301, 307, 308, 310, 313, 320, 381, 402,. 403, 408, 409, 429, 439

Daubihe 319, 331

Nine 130, 139

Dezhneva, cape 411

Delune-Baldock 377, 379

Demyanka 354, 355, 358

Demyansky town 355

Den-Terek 373, 374

Derestuisky Kultuk 20

Derestuisky burial ground 249

Desary see Yezersky ulus

Jasybay 25

Jebel 82, 96

Dzhezkazgan 183

Jida 214, 216

Dzungaria 267, 379

Dzungarian steppe 19

Dzungarian Alatau 268

Dili see Tyr

Dinan 316

Dingli 316, 318

Doolin 403

Dordogne 428

Ancient Greece 138

Dugin see Tukin

Dunajka 145, 149, 150

Dongbei 307

Dundango (Eastern Dan) 316, 322, 324

Dunmo 312, 313

Dongning 404

Dongjingchen 319

Dunhua (Jianzhou) 405, 407

Duren 242-244

Dus-dag (Salt Mountain) 375

Dyndybay 183

Dengzhou 314

Eurasia 57, 74, 158, 165, 187, 217, 303, 429, 430

Jewish Autonomous Region 264

Europe 26, 37, 38, 40, 43, 44, 50, 52, 53, 58, 59, 68, 72, 76, 77, 82, 83, 85, 89. 97, 127, 139, 230, 257, 303 , 428, 431

Egypt 230

Echersky (Isarsky) ulus (Desary) 377

Catherine's site 100

Ekaterininskoe, village 142

Elan (Elan region, Elan province) 325, 330, 332. 337. 341-343

Elan, R. 324

Elizarova table. 38-39.

Elovka 186

Emder-vosh 355

Enzyayam (“big river”) see Yenisei

Yenisei 7, 11, 13, 14, 18, 28, 29, 32, tab. 38-39, 40, 41, 44, 59, 61, 63, 65-68, 70, 72, 76, 79, 80, 85, 94, 95, 104, 105, 116-119, 123, 159, 162, 165, 166, 168-170, 172, 177, 178, 180, 183-187, 189, 191, 194, 196, 203-205, 217, 241, 249, 257, 258, 260 261, 274, 275, 28 5 , 291, 296, 297-299, 302, 359, 360, 361, 370, 373, 377, 378, 395, 396, 400, 428, 429

Yeniseisk 361, 387

Yenisei region 71, 116

Yenisei Ridge 117

Epanchinsky yurts 366

Ermolaevskoye ancient settlement 117, 203

Yellow (Huang He), r. 140, 211, 215, 268-270, 321, 333, 339, 431

Zhekhe 184 Zhigalovo 292 Zhigansk 125-127, 387 Zhirkova 125 Crane River (Karal-ky) 360

Transbaikalia 11, 13, 15, 17, 20, 73, 82, 83, 86, 88, 116, 145, 184, 185, 210-218, 232, 239, 242, 243, 245, 246, 250, 252, 253 , 256, 261, 307, 379, 380, 381, 385, 386, 395, 396, 402, 429

Transbaikal region 215

Zabochka-Kokorevo I 64

Zavolochye 368

Zavyalova, Fr. 344

Zadvizhensk 249

Zaysan 268

Zaisanovka 143, 144

Western Europe 13, 26, 49, 58, 76, 87,

Western Mongolia 27, 244, 245, 284

Western Transbaikalia 213, 216

Western Baikal region 295

Western Priobye 304,

Western Urals 40

West Siberian forest-steppe 303, 304

West Siberian region 96

Western Sayans 268, 271, 274, 289

Western Altai 269, 272, 274

Western Kazakhstan 178

Western Ulus (Siberian Khanate) 365

Zapolyarye 63

Zarubino 83, 381, 384

Zauralie 233, 237-239, 353, 367-371

Zeya Valley 42

Zeya-Bureya Lowland. Zeya 41, 43, 145, 148, 308, 392

Golden Horde 364

Ivanovka 142

Ivanovo 249

Ivolga 31, 215, 250

Ivolginskoye, s. 216

Ivolginskoe fortified settlement see Nizhne-Ivolginskoe fortified settlement

Lime hill 342

Izyrsu 377

Izykh chaatas 258

Yilan-zhou 373, 375

Iligulun 328

Ilim 31, 387

Elm pad 20, 242, 243, 245

Ilyushkina Sopka 74

Iman 308 38-39, 94,392,400, 409, 410

Indian Ocean 233

Indochina 75, 265

Indonesia 268, 270, 272, 273

Ipaligai 359

Ipiutaksky burial ground 347

Iran (Persia) 230, 233, 270, 277, 295

Iranian plateau 40

Irkutsk 9, 17, 20, 41, 44, 48, 59, 60, 65 88 115, 124, 196, 294, 428

Irkutsk province 17

Irkutsk HPP 28, 3.8, 25.97, 234 237, 241, 249 268, 285, 354, 355, 358, 359, 36 11, 364-369, 372, 378

Irtysh Black 268

Isarsky ulus see Ezersky ulus

Iset 237, 238

Isker 19, 358

Spain 38

Issyk-Kul 268

Iturup 157, 158

Ityrkhey 296

Ichchilyakh 208, 209

Ishim 237, 364, 378

Ishim forest-steppe 237 Iyus 16, 379

Kaa-Khem see Upper Yenisei Kaa-Khem district 275

Kabansk 292, 381

Kazan Khanate 358, 364, 371

Kazan 371

Kazakhstan 77, 172, 173, 179 180 183, 185, 217. 227

Cossack 31

Kazylgan 229

Kailin 335

Kairak-Kumy 40

Kaiyuan 403, 404, 407

Kalashnikova Pad 31

Kalgan 251

Kama 353, 354, 357, 368

Stone Islands 20, 31, 113

Stone Log 182

Stone Cape 153

Pebbles 221

Kamchatka (Kamchatka Peninsula) 11, 15, 17, 23, 28, 33, 93, 128, 129, 132, 134, 153, 154, 156, 343, 344, 346, 410, 412, 415, 416, 417, 421 , 422, 424, 425

Kamchatka, r. 93, 343, 416, 421

Kamchatka region 33

Kamchatka Isthmus 416

Kamyshta 166

Canadian Arctic Archipelago 419

Kankor 357

Kanchalan 412

Kaochan (Turfan) 268, 269, 271

Kapova Cave 40

Karaga 416

Karakorum (Kharahorin) 20, 260, 379

Kara-Kum (“Black Sands”, Heisha) 272,273

Kara-Kurgan 190, 195

Kara-ky see Crane River Karasuk 24, 162, 167, 182

Karasuk 111 161, 164

Kara-khol 274

Karachin town 366

Karashar 267, 268

Karelia 104, 125

Kara Sea 367, 370

Karypospat-urdat-vosh 355

Killer whale 157

Kasatka coast 157

Caspian Sea 249, 381

Katanga see Tunguska Middle, Tunguska Lower

Katun 44, 78, 79, 268

Kashgar 268

Kashlyk (Siberia) 364, 365, 366, 371

Kem see Yenisei Kem-Yenisei see Yenisei Kemerovo 9

Kemerovo region. 258

Kergedan 357

Kerulen 251, 268, 381, 430 Ket 359, 360, 378

Kievan Rus 430

Gilju 330

Kiprino 99

Kyrgyzstan 32, 297, 303, 397

Kyrgyz steppe 19

Kirensk 61

Kirovsky, pos. 142, 220

China 1, 41, 73, 89, 233, 242, 247, 248, 250-252, 265, 267, 269-274, 277, 3] 1-3 16, 319, 320, 332, 333, 338-406, 430

Kiya 258, 361, 362, 37?

Knyazhev town 366

Kobdo 268, 376

Goguryeo (Gaoli) 308, 311 314 315, 317, 319, 331

Codex Principality 369

Kozlova Pereima 96

Kozlovsky burial ground 304

Kokonovsky mounds 237

Kokorevo I, IV table. 38-39, 62-64, 78

Gokju 330

Kokel 255-257

Kolyma 16, 94, 126, 151, 347, 350-352, 409-412, 415, 419

Kola Bay 210

Commander Islands (Tanamas) 128, 425, 426

Komsomolsk-on-Amur (Komsomolsk) 89, 134, 150, 264

Konda 25, 89, 150, 353, 354, 372

Condon (Mail) tab. 38-39, 89, 129,130, 133-135, 137, 139, 150, 219, 264

Konduisky town 21, 379

Gonghomjin 330

Kopenskoe settlement 297

Kopet-Dag 40

Korean Peninsula 311, 315, 319

Korendo 400

Korea 73, 129, 141-145, 265, 320, 323,327, 331, 407, 430

Kore 315-317, 320, 323, 324, 326, 328,329, 331-333, 338

Kosogol 216, 267, 376

Kostenki I 53, 59, 60, 428

Kosva 354

Kotokel 212

Kochergino 25

Kochetovo 373

Kosho-Tsaidam 273

Kraskino 319

Kraskinskoe settlement 319

Krasnoturansk 187

Krasnoyarsk 18, 25, 44, 62, 79, 95,117-119, 169, 179, 185, 203, 377,378, 381

Krasnoyarsk HPP 28, 30

Krasnoyarsk forest-steppe 204

Krasnoyarsk Sopka 342

Krasnoyarsk region 30

Krasny Yar (Angara) 44, 60, 71, 84

Krasny Yar (Ob) 186

Cross, hall. 411, 412

Krivinskoye 24

Crooked key 87

Krotovo, II, VII 100, 170

Round hill 319

Krusenstern, cape 151

Where 41, 218, 294-296

Kudinskaya steppe 292

Kulirge 275, 278

Kuaedeevo 66

Kuznetsk 376

Kuznetsk steppe 271

Kuznetsky Alatau 17, 258, 299

Kuznetsk burial ground 100, 104

Kuibyshevsk (Rubetsu) 158

Kukelevo 33, 264

Cucu Hoto see Guihuachen

Kulaika 241

Kula-ky see Crow River

Kulary 366

Kullaty, settlement 120-122, 207-209

Kullaty-Yuryakh, r. 121, 208

Kultuk 20, 153, 154

Kulunda steppe 241

Culyegan 359

Kungur Cave 14

Kundat-yul 361

Kunkur 212

Cook 354

Kurgan 238

Kurgan region 6, 7, 238

Kurilsk 157

Kuril Islands (Kuril ridge, Kuriles) 11, 28, 33, 91, 154, 156-

158, 346, 423, 426

Kuril Lake 344

Kurota 30, 161

Kuxiantong 90

Kylarsa I 122

Kyrgyz-nur 296

Kytyl-Gyura 392

Cam see Yenisei Kam-kamjut see Yenisei Keteme 392

Kian-zhou 373, 375

Kyakhta 20, 61

Camp Garden 98

Ladeyki 117, 185

Ladeya settlement 203

Lazovsky district 264

Laiyuan 323

Lalin 403

Lampyl-ky see Eagle River

Lamu see Baikal

Laptev, sea 38, 71

Laryak 354

Arctic Sea see Arctic Ocean

Arctic Ocean see Arctic Ocean

Lena 44, 55, 61, 65-67, 70, 72, 76, 77 84, 94, 95, 104, 113, 119, 123, 125-127, 151, 201, 206-209, 211, 292, 296, 381, 382, ​​387, 388, 392, 95, 396, 400, 401, 409, 428

Lenyanabad 40

Leningrad 9, 16, 94, 204, 380

Leninsky district 33

Lenkovka 31, 67, 79-81, 83

Lob-nor 268

Loava 234, 354, 368 I Blade 423

Leulan 249, 444

Lyukechen 327

Laylyukhe 332

Liaodong 268, 317, 324, 404, 406

Liaodong Bay 270

Liaoning 404

Liaoyang 313, 322, 324, 340

Lyapin town 369

Lyapinskaya parish 357

Magadan 344, 345

Maihe, village 74

Maihe, b. 74, 143, 261

Makarov 65

Malay Archipelago 145

Malaya Derbina 119

Malaya Perm 368

Small Pad 262, 264

Minor Heta tab. 38-39

Malye Kopeny 24, 164

Maly Anyui 412

Maly Yenisei 285, 286

Small Cat 41

Small Cape 178

Malta 25, tab. 38-39, 41-52, 55-61, 65, 66, 68, 71, 72, 79, 86, 428

Mammoth, cave 48

Mangazeya 29

Manga see Cupid

Manzurka 381

Manhai, mountain 218, 295, 296

Mankhai settlement (Manhai) 295, 296

Manchuria 22, 89, 145, 217, 248, 265, 267, 284, 313, 319, 320, 324, 339, 343, 381, 402, 404-408, 430

Mariinsk 258

Mariinsky district 18

Markhachan 44, 65

Majilin 329, 331

Bear Islands 351, 352

“Bear Cheeks”, gorge 136

Mezhegey settlement 373

Mezhegei mines 374

Mezin 58, 428

Meret I, II 99

Miass 237, 238

Mussel 230, 233

Milimishihan 327

Minus 218

Minusinsk 18

Minusinsk (Khakass-Minusinsk) basin 10, 16, 18, 20, 24, 25, 117, 159, 165, 170, 184-187, 189, 196, 242, 255, 257, 258, 275, 277-279, 281 , 296-299, 302, 373,

29, 30, 44, 62 172, 176, 181, 204-206, 240, 260, 266, 272, 282, 285, 286, 429

Minusinsk region 212, 213, 429

Minusinsky district 25

Mikhailovka 258i 24, 27, 159, 172, 210,

Burial grounds 98

Mogoituy 216

Moisenka 161

Moluccas 201

Molchanovo 29, 360

Mongolia 5 20 21, 32, 38, 40, 41, 59, 63, 66 69, 75, 86, 89, 116, 41, 145,

180, 184, 21,1 215, 217, 218, 228, 232, 242 243, 245, 248. 250, 251, 255. 260 266, 267, 269, 272, 274, 281, 282, 288, 289, 300, 307, 311, 313,

372, 373,379, 381, 382, 384, 386, 428, 430

Mongol Empire 385, 386, 431

Mongolian People's Republic (MPR) 44, 89, 215, 216, 251, 273 Mongolian Altai 40, 267, 268, 270,

Moravia 428 Moraika 170 Moscow 9, 369, 370-372

Moscow state see Russian state

Mokhovaya, r. table 38-39

Mojie 316, 317

Mudanjiang (Hurha-bira) 316, 319, 405,

Mukden 322, 403

Moulin 407

Munch 120-122

Muslyumovo 249

Mongun-taiga 275, 277

Naa-Khem see Small Yenisei

Nazarove 19

Nayfeld 309, 310

Narym region 241, 305

Narymsky fort 360

Naukan 350, 421

Nakhodka, bay 73

Misunderstandings, oh. 151-153

Nerchinsk 13, 212

Nerchinsky district 15

Lower Amur region 395

Lower Irtyshye 305

Lower Ob region 11, 29, 96, 97, 232, 234, 241, 303, 304, 355

Lower Prichulymie 306

Nizhneye Seredkino 31

Nizhne-Ivolginskoye settlement 243, 244, 249, 250, 251

Nizhne-Kamchatsky fort 424

Nizhnekolymsk 151

Lower Amur 128, 133, 134, 139, 141,

142, 145, 147, 150, 157, 334, 401-403

Nizhny Tobol 364

Nizhnyaya Angara 123

Nizhnyaya Berezovka 212

Nizhnyaya Buret 44

Lower Kolyma 346

Nizhnyaya Lena 122, 151

Nizhnyaya Ob 14, 99

Nikolka 343

Nikolskoe settlement 343. 344

New Earth 367, 370

Novgorod (Veliky) 367, 368

Novgorod Land 367

Novgorod Republic 367, 368

Novo-1 Rigoryevka 249

Novokuskovskaya site 98

Novopetrovka 33 145i 146, 148-150

Novopetrovka 1, II, 146 149 150

Novopokrovka 150, 310

Novoselovo 176

Novosibirsk 8, 9, 29, 186

New Siberian Islands 63

Nogliki 154, 156

Noin-Ula 20, 242, 244, 246, 249

Noin-Ula mounds 256

Nonny 317, 320, 322

Nurgan (Nulukhan, Nuruhan) 403-407

Nurgan Sea 407

Nyaksimvol 234

Nyan Shan 268

Obdorsky fort 370

Ob Bay 235, 370

Obusinsky burial grounds 386

Ob 11, 17, 18, 25, 29, tab. 38-39, 44, 94, 96, 97, 165, 172, 177, 180, 185, 186, 190, 234, 235, 241, 266, 268, 275, 303, 306, 354, 356, 359-361, 363, 366, 367, 369-371, 376

Ob-Yenisei interfluve 306

Ovur district 289

Oglakhtinsky burial ground 249, 255

Odolin 403

Ozen-Ala-Belig 229

Oymak 373, 374

Oirotia 27

Okinina 384

Windows 380

Okunev ulus 165

Okunevsky burial ground 168

Olekma 387, 396

Olekminsk 120, 125, 209, 392

Olenek 95, 401, 409

Oleneostrovsky burial ground 210

Reindeer farm (on Maihe) 143

Olga, bay 261

Olga, village 264

Olginsky district 264

Olginsky, Fr. 151, 152

Olkhon 292, 295, 296

Om 238, 365, 366

Ongin-gol 268

Lake Onega 125, 127

Onon 20, 212-214, 216, 250, 268, 379, 381, 430

Ordos 61, 116, 184, 185, 227 248, 249, 270

Ordynskoe 100

Eagle River (Lampyl-ky) 360) ro 400

Orkhon29260 59. 266. 268, 273, 285, 291, 302.373,376,381

Osinovka 73, 74, 88. 91, 143, 308. 402

Aspen Lake 149, 150, 309

Osinovsky Hill 73-75, 142

Osinovskoe settlement 87

Otuken 271-273

Okhotsk 416

Sea of ​​Okhotsk 154, 395, 400, 415, 416

Okhotsk coast 11, 33, 151, 153,

344, 346, 395, 400 Eshurkovo 65, 67, 68, 71, 82, 105

Pazyryk 217, 227-230, 233

Pazyryk, r. 227

Palana 416

Pamir 40, 431

Parabel 359, 360

Guy 416

Parthia 230

Pachanga 360

Beijing 23, 314, 339

Pelym 354, 355, 368

Punjab 42

Penzhina 416

Penzhinskaya Bay 415

Resettlement point 44, 203

Perm 249, 368

Persia see Iran

Pershino 239

Sandy Peninsula 22, 32, 33, 262, 263

St. Petersburg see Leningrad

Peter the Great, hall. 32, 90

Petrovskaya 388

Petropavlovsk (Kamchatsky) 134, 153

Pechora 234, 305, 353. 368, 369

Pechora Land 367

Pidenshui 329

Pingliang 268, 269

Pisanaya, village 100, 101

Written, oh. 388

Plemkhoz, parking lot 122

Volga region 184, 358, 371

Podgornoye 24, 241

Podkamen 297

Podsukhanikha 161

Pokrovskoe 120, 208, 209

Polynesia 139

Pltso 264, 265

Poland 370

Polar Loberezhye 76

Arctic Circle 95, 125

Pomorie 370, 371

Popelki 264

Parrot 94

Por-Bazhin 286

Posyet 261

Potchevash 237

Mail see Condon

Prebaikalye 385

Amur region 32 33, 72, 92, 116, 127, 129, 132, 135, 137, 218, 221, 261, 264, 340, 395, 401, 402 404 406, 408, 430

Priangarye 104, 292, 384, 395, 400

Aral Sea 103, 104, 183

Baikal region 10, 20, 25 27, 31, 44, 71, 76, 79, 80, 82-84 86-88, 95, 96, 104, 105, 107-109, 111, 113-121, 123, 124, 127 , 133, 139 148, 153, 196-198, 200, 201-205, 207-211, 222, 242, 292, 293, 372 381-387, 390, 400, 428

Baltic 76, 236

Priirtyshye 11, 233, 234, 238, 239, 303-305, 366

Caspian lowland 40

Prikamie 305, 357, 368, 372

Primorsky Krai 72, 141, 142, 308, 319

Primorye 21, 22, 32, 33, 73, 87, 88, 90, 93 94 127, 130, 132-135, 141-145, 150 153, 156, 157, 218-221, 261, 262 264, 265, 308 , 309, 314, 316, 319 320, 324-326, 329-332, 337, 340, 341-343, 406-408, 429, 430

Priobye 29, 97, 104, 241, 305, 353, 359, 362, 363

Pritobolye 233

Pritomie 239-241, 362, 363

Priuralye 13, 24, 78, 85, 118, 172, 217, 233, 242, 357, 358, 368, 371, 372

Prikhankai lowland 308

Black Sea region 165, 190, 217, 431

Prichulymie 362, 363

Puganshuy 324

Pustozersky fort 370

Puhal 324

Pyongyunjin 330

Phusun 218

Pennyolin 327

Pyasina 370

Pyatirechye 329

Razdolnoe 88, 90, 402

"Rachevo Settlement" 359 Rome 277

Horny town 370

Russian Empire see Russian State

Russian state see Russian state

Russia see Russian State of the RSFSR 104, 204, 210

Rubetsu see Kuibyshevsk Rusanova, b. 416

Russian Plain 40.

Russian state 6, 7, 9, 13, 14, 1о, 18. 19, 22, 23, 28, 30-33 48, 187 217, 305, 310, 353, 367-372, 381, 386, 395, 408, 410, 431

Rus' see Russian state

Ryrkaipy 415

Ryutino 111

Saadak-Terek 376

Saadakh yaabyt 392 Sagly 228, 231, 254

Sagly-Bazhi II (Saglyn mounds) 227, 229, 232

Saglyn Valley 228

Sain-Shand 141

Sakachi-Alyan 136, 137-140, 309

Salbyk 191

Salbyk mounds 195

Salekhard I, II 25, 234, 236

Samus, s. 100

Samus I. II, III 98, 100, 101, 169-172,178

Samuska 100

Sangar-Khaya 208

Sanga-Yuryakh tab. 38-39

Sangel-ky see Capercaillie River

Sunny Cape 61, 65, 66, 72, 216

Sanwei 404

Sanzhou 332

Saragash 25

Saralinsky district 297

Sargatka 237

Sargol 139

Sakhalin 11, 22, 28, 33, 128, 133, 154-156, 220, 221, 346, 401

Sayano-Altai Highlands (Sayano-Altai, Altai-Sayan Highlands) 117, 159,

166, 170, 186, 266, 270, 274, 275,285, 306, 362, 363

Sayanskaya HPP 28, 30

Sayansky prison 15

Sayans (Sayan Mountains, Sayan Range, Sayan Highlands) 14, 17, 18, 86, 165,

172, 252, 258, 266, 271, 285, 287,296, 299, 302, 377. 431

Svirsk 31, 109-111

Northern Asia 30, 44, 53, 59, 69, 71,76, 82, 94, 116, 121, 126, 127, 141,

North America tab. 38-39, 89, 91,

Northern Europe 26, tab. 38-39, 80,83, 112, 127, 136

North India 40

North Korea 307, 317

Northern Manchuria 14

Northern Mongolia 75, 274

Northern Scandinavia 211

Northern Sosva 25, 97, 234, 235, 369

Northern Yakutia 77, 222

Northern Japan 90, 310

Northern Trans-Urals 367

Northern Primorye 142

Northern Urals 234

Northern Black Sea region 218

Northern Altai 27, 360, 362, 363

Northern Kazakhstan 71, 303

Northern China 21, 38, 140, 253, 266,300, 307, 339

Arctic Ocean (Arctic Ocean. Arctic Sea) 5, 16, 47, 72,

76, 94, 126, 207, 211, 306, 370, 400, 409-411, 414, 415, 419

Northern Tibet 228 Northeast Asia 7, 9, 10, 22, 26, 33, 46, 73, 93, 131, 132, 150, 151,346, 408

North-Eastern Tuva 372

North-Eastern Pomerania 370

North-East Kazakhstan 304

Northeast China 407, 408

Northwest Asia 20, 367, 370.

Northwest America 132

Northwestern Europe table 38-39

North West India 71

Northwestern Mongolia 21, 286, 296

Northwestern Yakutia 95

Northwestern Bohai 316

Saddle-shaped, cape 262

Selemdzha 401

Selenga 22, 44, 61, 65-70 72 84 104 106, 206, 211-216, 250, 266-

273, 284, 285, 292, 381, 384 387 428

Selenginsky district 15

Semyonovka 31

Semipyatnaya, pad 261, 264

Semirechye 288, 290

Senkina Shapka 143, 264

Sergeevna 148, 149, 308

Heart-Stone 415

Serovsky burial ground 31

Sibirka 365

Siberian land 369, 371

Siberian Khanate (Siberian “Yurt”) 13-15, 19, 358, 364-368, 371, 372,378

Siberia, village see Kashlyk Sivuysky Cape 343, 344

Siglan 345

Sidemi 21, 261, 262

Sikteeh 207, 209

Silla 315, 317

Silgumja 209

Xilaohe see Shara-muren

Sinara 238

Blue rocks 264, 265

Xing-Liao 317

Xingxiang 328

Xinjian 89

Xipinghe 335

Shirataki 90

Sireniki 32, 350, 420

Sikhote-Alin 87, 320

Scandinavia 14, 127, 211

Scythia 196, 217

Slavyanka 341

Sobakina, b. 117

Soviet Union (USSR) 5-7, 9, 28, 33, 34, tab. 38-39, 44, 47, 78, 205

Sogd 288, 290

United States of America (USA) 6, 8

Sokolchi 264

Salt lake (Harlone-kel) 66

Sortynya 97

Sosnovka 373

Sosva 354, 359

Sotnikovo 215

Sottinsky nasleg 121

Spafareva, Fr. 344

Mediterranean 40

Middle Trans-Urals 233

Middle Volga region 305, 372

Middle Amur region 72, 116, 145, 395, 401

Middle Irtysh region 237

Middle Ob region 234, 241, 306. 363

Central Siberian Plateau 72

Middle Amur 11, 33, 74, 145, 148-150, 264, 309, 323, 429

Middle Yenisei 62, 64, 79, 116-119, 169, 185, 187, 299. 360

Middle Irtysh 237, 304, 361, 364

Middle Urals 353, 355

Middle Chulym 241, 360

Central Asia 17, 22, 24, 38, 40, 41, 71, 77, 78, 82, 86, 96, 103, 104, 144, 165, 179, 185, 211, 217, 218, 228, 230, 233, 239, 242, 249 260, 266, 270, 277, 290, 293, 296, 303, 320. 376, 386, 428

Srednyaya Lena 72, 119-122, 124, 125, 391,401

Middle Ob 25

Middle capital (Bohai) 333

Sretensk 212

Splices 44

Stanovoy Ridge 401

Starodubskoe II 155, 156

Old Muslim (Tatar) cemetery (Tomsk) 98-100

Old Siktyakh 122

Arrows 119

Suban 337

Subin 325

Sug-Khol 287

Suji 242, 284

Suzuhe, settlement 264

Suzuhe, b. 264

Suifun 88, 136, 143, 261, 264, 324, 326-329, 331, 332, 341, 342, 402

Suiyuan 184, 270

Sulino 249

Sumangin 122

Sungari 72, 251, 308, 316, 317, 320, 322, 324, 403, 405-407

Suruktah Haya 125

Susu site 220

Suchan 21, 45, 73, 142, 145

Suchu 131, 133, 135, 137. 139

Shim (Chirombu) 395

Syr-Darya 40, 185

Cheese chaatas 258

Sagenut burial ground 382, ​​383

Xia see Tangut kingdom

Xianbi 251

Xiande 316

Xianzhou 322

Tavda 304, 353-355, 358, 364, 368

Tagarskii, Fr. 18

Tagarskoye Lake 25

Tagisken 183

Tajikistan 78

Tadusha 87, 88. 90, 91, 148

Thailanl 75

Taygonos 344, 416

Taimyr peninsula (Taimyr) 94,

Talitsky, settlement 71 Tambar 258

Tanamas see Commander Islands Tangut Kingdom (Xia) 333. 338, 339

Tannu-ola 268

Tanyurer 412

Gaowen 403

Tapar-vosh 355

Tartas 239

Tarukisi 90

Tarja 134, 153

Taseeva, b. 20, 379

Tasty-butak 174, 178

Tas-Khaza 168

Tatar Strait 220

Tauy Mountain 344

Tashatkansky town 366

Tashkent 40, 179

Tashtyk 25, 258

Teletskoye, lake 376

Tere-Khol 286

Tes 24, 161

Tetyukhe, bay 32, 262

Tetyukhe, b. 134, 141, 142

Tetyukhe (Tetyukha settlement) 142, 144, 153, 218

Tetyukhinsky Cape (hill) 141

Teshik-Tash 133

Tibet 63, 71

Tibetan Plateau 40

Tigil 415, 416, 421

Tiligul 249

Pacific Ocean 5, 9, 16, 33, 71, 76, 91, 94, 96, 145, 154, 343, 409. 411, 414,

415, 427, 428, 431

Toba (Taibo) 309

Toba Way 316

Tobol 237, 238, 354, 358, 361, 364, 367, 368, 378

Tobolsk 13, 18, 237, 358

Tobolsk district 355

Todaiji 319

Toyon Aryy 392

Tola 59, 266-268, 273

Tologoy 215

Tommot 122

Tomsk 9, 18, 61, 98-100, 170, 172, 178, 179, 186, 239, 361, 376

Tomsk region 29, 360, 361

TOMSK BURIAL 18, 98, 99, 204

Volume 13, 14, 17, 101, 170, 179, 186,

204, 241, 306, 361, 379

Tone tour 365

Torgalyk 375

Toyanov town 361

"Trumpet" 117, 119, 204, 205

Tuba (Ulsa) 189, 281, 298, 299, 378

Tubansky ulus 378

Tuva 8, 11, 28, 30, 71, 194, 215, 227-233, 253-257, 266, 267, 269 272, 274-277, 281-291, 372-376, 429

Tugozvonovskoe burial 303

Tukin (Dugin) 270

Tumangan (Tyumen-ula) 142 264, 402, 407

Tumat-taiga 373

Tumnin 401

Tuman 328

Tunguska Nizhnyaya 123, 395

Tunguska Middle (Podkamennaya) 123.

Tunka 17, 384

Tunkinsky region 292

Tunkinsky district 383

Tongjiang 323

Tuoi-Khaya 123-125

Tura 304, 353-355, 358, 364, 366

Turgai 361, 362

Turgai burial ground 362

Turkmenistan 78

Turukta 121

Turukhan 395

Turpan see Koachan

Turfan oasis 89

Tuyakhta 227

Tongzhejin 330

Tym 154, 241, 359

Tyr (Dkli, Teli) 405, 406

Teli see Tyr

Tyumen region 6, 7

Tyumen Khanate 364, 368

Tyumen 96, 304, 364

Tyumen-ula see Tumangan

Tien Shan 40, 268, 303

Ubsanur 268, 375

Weighting, r. 221

Uda 44, 61, 216

Uzun-both 190, 195

Uybat 18, 19, 166, 281. 298

Uibat steppe 19

Uibat chaatas 25, 300

Uyghur state (Uyghuria, Uyghur Khaganate) 286, 317

Ukraine 78, 428

Ukulan 209

Ulalinka 41-43

Ulaanbaatar 61, 216, 268, 273

Ulan-Ude 9, 10, 31, 40, 212, 215

Ulan-Khada 21, 26, 118, 204

Ulsa see Tuba

Ulug-Khem see Upper Yenisei Ulug-Khem district 275, 373

Ulug-Khorum 228

Ulu-Kem see Upper Yenisei

Unga 31, 293-295

Unginskoe settlement 293, 294

Walba, lake 125

Walba, parking lot 122

Walbinsky kyrdal 126

Ural Mountains (Ural, Ural Range) 5, 9, 10, 13, 14, 37, 69, 71, 72,

78, 85, 94, 96, 98, 103, 104, 180, 236, 38. 239. 252. 305. 353, 354, 366-

369, 372, 428. 429. 430, 431

Urilsky, Fr. 33

Harvest 44, 78, 79

Urumqi 268

Urungu 268

Uriankhai (Orankai) 407

Uriankhai region 22, 27, 244 245

Usolka 379

Ussuri 91, 136, 137, 150, 252, 264 308, 320, 324, 406

Ussuriysk 21, 22, 32, 73, 74 136, 141-143, 145, 264, 318, 319, 341, 342

Ussuri Bay 261, 262

Ustinovka 87, 148

Ust-Aldansky district 121

Ust-Belaya (Angara basin) tab. 38-39, 80, 82-84

Ust-Belsky burial ground (Chukotka) 151, 210, 221-223

Ust-Erba 178

Ust-Il 213

Ust-Kanskaya cave 41, 44, 71

Ust-Kurenga 97

Ust-Kureng burial 104

Ust-Kuyum 161

Ust-Kyakhta 65

Ust-Maya 122

Ust-Poluy 234-237, 354

Ust-Polui settlement 234

Ust-Seminskaya site 44, 70

Ust-Sobakinskaya site 203, 205

Ust-Talkin 294 Ust-Tesi 25

Ust-Timpton 122

Ust-Udinsky burial ground 31

Ust-Tsilemskaya Sloboda 370

Ustyug 367, 368

Lost 327

Utesiki 221

Utu-Elga 293, 294

Wuhuan 251

Wushiji 405

Ushkanka 251

Ushkovskoye, lake table 38-39, 93, 153

Uelensky burial ground 347, 349, 350

Fedorovka 249

Fedyaevo 44

Fergana 288, 290

Filimoshki 41, 43

Finland 236, 355

Fominskaya, parking lot 44

Fofanove 201, 211, 212

France 6, 53, 54, 58

Furdanchen 342

Fuyu 313, 315, 316

Fairbanks 89

Khabarovsk 91, 92, 134, 136, 138, 264. 407

Khabsagai 381

Hai Dongshengguo see Bohai

Haichuan 329

Khakassia 24, 165, 282

Khakass Autonomous Region 25

Khakass-Minusinsk Basin see Minusinsk Basin

Khalkha 248, 376, 387

Hamju 330

Khangai 268, 271

Khanka 74, 91, 141, 219, 264, 407

Khara Aryy 392

Khara-Balgasun (Kharabalgas) 20, 302

Khara-Busun 213

Kharazargay 292

Haranarin 268

Kharahorin see Karakorum

Harbin 407

Kharinskaya Sopka 219, 220

Harlone-kel see Salt Lake

Hariyalaah 391, 392

Khasansky district 319

Khaskhan 403

Khatanga 94

Khatyn Aryy 392

Khem see Yenisei

Khashkhai 296

Khemchik 268, 287, 289, 291, 376

Khingan (Khingan Mountains) 217, 251, 401, 430

Khinskaya pad 82, 84-86, 118

Hirhira 380

Khirkhirinsky town 379, 380

Khodzhikent cave 40

Huiningfu see Upper Capital

Hokkaido 90, 140, 156, 315

Honshu 315, 346

Khorinsk 61

Horo-Yurege 122

Huai 334, 338

Huaihuan 270

Huaiyuan 318

Huaiyang 338

Yellow River see Yellow. Khubsugul 268

Hulawen 404 Hulan 407

Hooligan 403

Hulum-Sunt 97

Hunan 339

Hungari 138

Hunchun 328

Hunyongjiang 403

Khurhabira see Mudanjiang Hebei 339

Heisha see Kara-Kum

Helan (Helan-fu Hailan) 32, 135, 332, 337, 403 ) ^~

Helan, b. 330 Henan 333, 334 Hengtei 268

Caizhou 340

Central Asia 21 38 40, 41, 62, 63, 66, 70, 71, 76, 82 86, 89, 90, 93, 116, 127, 136, 210 211, 215, 227, 228, 232, 233, 248 257 266, 267, 269, 270, 272, 274, 280 281, 284-286, 288, 293, 295-301 303, 340, 376, 381, 428, 430, 431

Central Europe tab. 38-39, 43

Central Manchuria 325

Central Mongolia 21

Central Tuva 228

Central Chukotka 94

Central Yakutia 69, 77, 95 123, 388, 392

Central Altai 30, 227

Central Kazakhstan 71, 183, 184 304

Central Tien Shan 179

Jian-gun (Gegun, Kyrgun) 296, 297

Jianzhou see Dunhua

Jyargulu 405

Tsigenovsky (Sagenutsky) ulus 381

Cyclodrome (Lokomotiv) 31, 115

Tsingala yurts

Tsiulatan 405

Chaa-Khol 289, 374

Chaa-Khol district 275, 373

Chalagan 403

Changboshan (Changbaishan) 308, 309, 320

Chaoxian 313

Chapigou 145, 319

Chapel Mountain 381

Chastinskaya 61, 66, 72

Frequent, pad 31, 82, 84-86, 118

Chatyr-Kul 179

Chaun Mountain 346

Chaun Bay 412, 414

Chegitun 350, 351

Chekurovka 126

Chelyabinsk 239

Chelyabinsk region 238, 239

Cheremushnik 44, 65, 81

Chernigovka 74

Chernovaya, r. 165, 166, 168, 169

Chernovaya VI 161, 164

Black Sea 217, 249, 303

"Black Sands" see Kara-Kum

Black Iyus 377

Four-pillar, about. 350, 351

Czechoslovakia 58

Zhaozhou 403

Zhen 312, 313

Zhenhua 323

Zhoukoudian 75

Chikaevo 221

Chikoy 44, 242

Chimga-tura 364, 366

Chinyaevskoye settlement 365

Circuo 123

Chirovoe, lake 221, 222

Chirombu see Sym

Chita 40, 94, 214

Chita region 215, 379, 380

Chichka-ul 361

Chona 123, 124

Cheongpyeong 329

Chokh-chur-Muran 77

Chugai-kuz (Zongcai-Shan) 272

Weirdos 238

Chukotka District 346

Chukotka Peninsula (Chukotka) 11, 17, 28, 32 33, 46, 93, 151, 210, 221, 223,

346, 350. 412, 416, 417

Chukchi Sea 412, 413

Chukotka coast 222

Chukochia, r. 415

Chulym 16, 19, 29, 186, 241-258, 359-362, 377, 378

Chulym-Yenisen basin 187

Chulym-Yenisei Plain 62

Churumal 374

Chusovaya 71, 354, 357

Cheoncheongan 323

Chasty-yag 97

Shagonar 287, 289, 373

Shandong 315, 338, 339

Shanxi 334

Shanjin see Upper Capital

Shara-muren (Xilaohe) 141, 268

Shelagsky, cape 411, 415

Sheremetyevo 136, 137, 139

Shiducha 405

Shilka 116, 212, 214, 216, 268, 307, 309

Shilkinskaya cave 116

Shilkinsky plant 116

Shikhshit 384

Shishkina 33, 35, 65, 113, 153, 295, 296

Shishkinskie rocks 381, 388

Schmidt, cape 415

Shokhtoy 294

Shuaibin 318

Shui-dada 403

Shuidongou 61

Shunnyuzhi 322

Ymyyakhtaakh, lake. 121

Ymyyakhtaakh, parking lot 122

Evoron 130, 140

Edzin-gol 268

Ekven burial ground 347

Ekichuverveem 350

Expeditions, bay 261

Elegest 373-375

Elyygythyn 151, 221

Enurmin 415

Erdene-Tzu 260

South, r. 71, 367

Southeast Asia 40 41 73-75, 91, 121, 201

South-Eastern Tuva 373

Southwestern Turkmenistan 96

Ugra Land (Ugra) 20, 367, 369

Yuedeyskaya site 120

South Asia 43, 75, 77

South Manchuria 403

South Sosva 355

South Tuva 278

Southern France 49

South Yakutia 123

Southern Transbaikalia 248

Southern Trans-Urals 179, 233

South Primorye 87, 402

Southern Altai 228, 275, 362

South Oleniy Island 125, 127

Apple Ridge 401

Yaya burial ground 100

Yakitikiveem 94, 221

Yaxart 183

Yakutsk 9, 77, 120-122, 185, 207-209, 388

Yakut ASSR (Yakutia) 7, 11, 28, 31, 76, 116, 119-127, 148, 153, 207-

211, 218, 221, 291, 292, 345, 347, 352, 385, 387, 388, 390-392, 394,

Yakut province 23

Yakut region 393

“Yakutsky vzvoz” 388 I

Yakut-Vilyui depression 77

Yalu 320, 323, 324

Yamal tab. 38-39, 353

Yana 387, 392, 410

Yandogai 347

Yanzhan 314

Yanchihe 319

Japan 7, 8, 73, 83, 90, 93, 134, 140, 145, 315, 319, 320

Japanese islands 90, 91, 132-134, 142, 144, 145, 156, 158, 265, 319, 402

Sea of ​​Japan 87, 141, 154, 307, 317, 323

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Face to face
You can't see the face.
Big things can be seen from a distance.

Sergey Yesenin

We examined the reflection of the face of the European gene pool in three mirrors - the Y chromosome, mitochondrial DNA and the autosomal genome. However, even such a three-dimensional mapping will still be incomplete if we, from Europe as a whole, do not also turn to the faces of individual peoples - to the genetic connections of this or that people of Europe with the rest of the European world. Such consideration allows us not only to see the place of a particular ethnic gene pool among its near and distant neighbors. It gives more - to see exactly how the overall picture of the European gene pool is formed from individual puzzles. Perhaps this will make it possible to discern the paths of history in adding up this overall picture. For this purpose, the Y-chromosome mirror is most useful: its information content is comparable to that of genome-wide autosomal panels, and the palette of studied populations is incomparably richer.

The genetic portrait of individual peoples against the backdrop of the entire European gene pool can best be outlined genetic distance maps. They show how the gene pool of a given people fits into the general panorama of the peoples of Europe. Based on the entire set of haplogroups, genetic distance maps show for a given people how unique it is, with whom it is similar, with whom it differs, and how far its genetic connections extend with other peoples of Europe and nearby regions.

Genetic distance maps are created like this. First, a series of maps is constructed - each haplogroup has its own map. Each map is a numerical matrix - a very dense grid that evenly covers the entire mapped space. In each of the many grid points (on the maps provided, almost 200 thousand grid points cover the mapped territory) the frequency of a given haplogroup in a given geographic point is recorded. Then the group of populations that interests us is selected (it is called the reference group) - say, the Poles - from which the genetic distances to each grid node will be calculated (including the range of the Poles themselves). The average frequencies of haplogroups among Poles are also taken - and for each point in Europe the genetic distance from these frequencies among Poles to the frequencies at a given point on the map is calculated. This data is sufficient to calculate the genetic distance from the haplogroup frequencies of the Poles to the haplogroup frequencies in each point of Europe. These genetic distances are plotted on the map. Then we take, for example, Serbs as a reference population - and repeat all the same actions with cards. And we get a map of the genetic landscape showing the degree of similarity of the Y-chromosomal gene pool of the Serbs with the Y-chromosomal gene pool of each population in Europe. And so for any population we choose—ethnic group or subethnic group.

However, what to do with the fact that different populations are studied using different sets of haplogroups? Of course, when constructing genogeographic maps, interpolated values ​​are calculated for each point on the map, even if there are few reference points (directly studied populations). But if, when constructing maps of genetic distances, we want to most accurately describe the gene pool of all populations using a single panel of haplogroups, then the panel of haplogroups begins to shrink like shagreen leather. Our team uses an extensive panel of SNP markers (44 main and 32 additional haplogroups, as well as another 32 “newest” haplogroups, as described in section 1.3), and we have studied most populations of Eastern Europe using this broad panel. But in order to evenly represent all corners of Europe on maps of genetic distances, at this stage of study of the European gene pool, unfortunately, we had to reduce this panel to eight main European haplogroups - E1b-M35, G-M201, I1-M253, I2a-P37, J-M304, N1c-M178, R1a-M198, R1b-M269.

Further research and mass screening of European populations according to the subbranches of these haplogroups, discovered through complete sequencing of the Y chromosome, will gradually refine these maps. When reading any map, we must remember that this model was created for the amount of information available on a given time slice: both the array of populations and the panel of haplogroups are limited. Therefore, it is important to pay attention not to the details of the relief, but to the most general and stable structures of the genetic landscape.

Maps of genetic distances can be constructed for all peoples of Europe. In this monograph we will present not all, but many - 36 maps of genetic distances from 36 ethnic groups and subethnic groups of Europe, the most important for the remaining chapters of the book. These 36 genetic landscapes are organized into six series:

Episode 1: Peoples of North-Eastern Europe(Karelians and Vepsians, Estonians, Izhorian Komi, Priluzian Komi, Lithuanians, Latvians, Northern Russians, Finns);

Episode 2: Eastern and Western Slavs(central and southern Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians, Polesie Belarusians, Poles, Kashubians, Slovaks, Czechs, Sorbs) ;

Episode 3: Non-Slavic Peoples of Eastern Europe(Bashkirs, Kazan Tatars, Mishars, Chuvashs, Moksha and Erzya);

Episode 4: in the northern Balkans(Moldavians, Romanians, Gagauz, Hungarians, Slovenes);

Episode 5: South Slavs(Macedonians, Serbs, Croats, Bosnians, Herzegovina);

Episode 6: Framing Europe(Albanians, Swedes, Nogais).

5.1. PEOPLES OF NORTHEASTERN EUROPE (SERIESI)

This series includes eight maps of genetic distances - not only from the gene pools of ethnic groups (Karelians and Vepsians, Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians and Finns), but also from individual subethnic groups (Komi Izhemsky, Komi Priluzsky, Russian North). Almost all of these maps are united not only by geographic region, but also by similar genetic landscapes. At the same time, the linguistic affiliation of these peoples is striking in its diversity. There are also Western Finnish-speaking peoples (the Baltic-Finnish branch of the Finno-Ugric languages) - Karelians, Estonians, Finns; and eastern Finnish-speaking Komi (Perm branch of Finno-Ugric languages); and Slavs - northern Russians; and Balts - Latvians and Lithuanians. And yet, their gene pools are similar in many ways. To see this, consider the entire series of maps - eight maps of genetic distances from each of the eight reference gene pools (Fig. 5.2-5.9). And in order to see the differences between each of the eight maps from the generalized genetic landscape of North-Eastern Europe, we present an average map of genetic distances (Fig. 5.1). Such a generalized landscape was obtained as a result of simple arithmetic operations with map matrices: summing all eight maps (for each map point, the values ​​of eight haplogroup maps at this point were summed) and dividing the resulting total map by eight.

MAPPING SIMILARITY WITH THE GENE POOL OF KARELIANS AND VEPSIANS (Fig. 5.2)

The main area of ​​gene pools similar to the Karelians and Vepsians (when calculating the “reference” frequencies of Y-haplogroups, along with data on the Karelians and Vepsians, a small sample of Izhorians was also taken into account) is clearly outlined geographically (Fig. 5.2). The most genetically similar populations (that is, the genetic distances to them from the Karelians and Vepsians are the smallest) are colored with intense green tones. These are genetic distances in the interval 0

We find an important difference between the map of the genetic landscape of the Karelians and Vepsians from other maps in this series not in the east, but in the north-west. Here, the area of ​​genetic similarity with the Karelians and Vepsians does not know administrative boundaries and is penetrated by a “yellow” corridor of populations that are still genetically similar to the Karelians and Vepsians (0.05

It is also worth noting that the group of “orange” intervals (genetic distances from the Karelians and Vepsians d≈0.2), showing populations that are genetically distant, but still not completely alien to the gene pool of the Karelians and Vepsians, covers a significant part of Fennoscandia, Eastern and Central Europe . At the same time, Western and Southern Europe, the Ciscaucasia, the Caspian region and even the Trans-Urals are genetically as far as possible from the gene pools of the Karelians and Vepsians (intensely red tones).

MAPPING SIMILARITIES WITH THE ESTONIAN GENE POOL (Fig. 5.3)

Moving on to the map of genetic distances from Estonians (Fig. 5.3), we see the same general patterns as on the map of distances from Karelians and Vepsians (Fig. 5.2). However, the area of ​​the genetically closest populations, colored with intense green tones (the smallest genetic distances from Estonians in the interval 0

MAPPING SIMILARITY WITH THE GENE POOL OF KOMI-ZYRYAN (Fig. 5.4 and 5.5)

Komi populations are traditionally divided into two ethnic communities - Komi-Zyryans and Komi-Permyaks, although they have a common ethnonym, and the border between their dialects does not coincide with the administrative one. A more southern community consists of the Komi-Permyaks, who now live in the Perm region. A more northern community is the Komi-Zyryans living in the Komi Republic (they are often called simply Komi). The origins of the Komi formation date back to the 2nd millennium BC. in the area where the Oka and Kama flow into the Volga. Over the course of the following centuries, the general range of the Komi steadily expanded to the north, and under the pressure of Novgorod colonization it shifted to the east. The Komi settled along the valleys of large rivers, assimilating various groups of the more ancient population - both the Baltic Finns and other Ural-speaking groups, as indicated by these place names.

Among the Komi-Zyrians there are nine ethnographic groups. One of them is the Izhem Komi (Fig. 5.4), who live compactly in the Izhemsky district in the north of the Komi Republic (in the basin of the middle reaches of the Pechora and its tributaries) and are engaged - unlike other Komi groups - in nomadic reindeer herding, which they adopted from the Nenets . The formation of the ethnographic group of Komi-Izhemtsy dates back to the end of the 16th century - not only different groups of Komi (Vymsky, Udorsky) and northern Russians, but also Nenets took part in its formation. The bulk of the Komi-Izhma people belong to the White Sea anthropological type.

Another ethnographic group - the Priluz Komi (Fig. 5.5) - lives at the other - southern - end of the range of the Komi-Zyryans: in the very south of the Komi Republic in the Luza basin and in the upper reaches of Letka, where it already borders the Perm Territory and the Kirov Region.

However, despite geography, the economic-cultural type, and the adaptive type (the Izhem Komi are classified as the Arctic adaptive type), the maps of genetic distances from both ethnographic groups of the Komi-Zyryans are surprisingly similar. A dark green area of ​​minimal distances (greatest similarity) between both Komi groups stands out. They are separated by the Russian population of the Krasnoborsky district of the Arkhangelsk region, which differs sharply (orange tones) from them, as well as from the main body of northern Russian populations (Fig. 5.8). With all other northern Russian populations, the Komi show the greatest similarity (the brightest green tones on the map). This is especially clearly visible on the map of genetic distances from the Priluz Komi (Fig. 5.5), which differ from the gene pool of their southern geographic neighbors and genetically clearly gravitate towards the northern, albeit geographically more distant, gene pools.

However, let us not forget that such genetic proximity of the southernmost and northern groups of the Komi may indicate the preservation of the unity of only the Y-chromosomal gene pool of the Komi: perhaps, mainly wives were taken from foreign ethnic groups, and the influx of male Y-chromosomes from them was small. The possibility of “gender asymmetry in marriages” must always be taken into account when we analyze only one of the uniparental genetic systems - either the Y chromosome or mtDNA.

With this exception - the shift of the smallest genetic distances (bright green) to the east and north - the area of ​​gene pools genetically close to the Komi, colored in light green and yellow tones, is very similar to the landscape found above among the Karelians, Vepsians and Estonians. This involuntarily brings to mind the work of paleoanthropologists [Khartanovich, 1991], who pointed out that, according to craniological data, the Komi-Zyrians gravitate towards the Karelians, and not towards the Komi-Permyaks. However, only a future detailed study of the gene pools of the entire diversity of populations of the Komi-Zyrians and Komi-Permyaks (as well as the uniquely linguistic Komi-Yazvinians) will make it possible to accurately determine the degree of their genetic similarity both with each other and with other peoples of North-Eastern Europe and the Urals.

MAPPING SIMILARITIES WITH THE GENE POOL OF LATVIANS AND LITHUANIANS (Fig. 5.6 and 5.7)

On the four maps discussed above (Fig. 5.2 - 5.5), the “reference” gene pools from which genetic distances were calculated were the populations of Finno-Ugric peoples. Now we have maps of genetic distances from two Baltic-speaking peoples - Latvians (Fig. 5.6) and Lithuanians (Fig. 5.7). Linguistically, they no longer belong to the Ural family, but to the Indo-European one. However, despite such huge linguistic differences, we again see the same genetic landscape, which does not even require additional description. It is closest to the genetic landscape of neighboring Estonians (Fig. 5.3). The only difference between these two landscapes is that the area of ​​populations genetically close to the Baltic peoples in the northwest and northeast narrows as much as possible, remaining wide in the south and thereby approaching the shape of a triangle.

It is assumed that speakers of the Baltic languages ​​were previously distributed over a much wider area - from the northeast of modern Poland to the upper reaches of the Volga, the Oka basin, the middle Dnieper and Pripyat. Therefore, the coincidence of the genetic landscapes of Karelians, Vepsians, Komi, Estonians and Latvians allows us to raise the question of the reasons for such a coincidence. There is a change in linguistic affiliation (or Balts, or Finno-Ugric peoples, or both) while maintaining a certain common ancient gene pool. Perhaps there was some more ancient gene pool, the linguistic affiliation of which we do not even have hypotheses about, and it was this that became the genetic substrate that still defines the landscape of the most diverse gene pools of North-Eastern Europe?

MAPPING SIMILARITIES WITH THE GENE POOL OF NORTHERN RUSSIANS (Fig. 5.8)

These doubts and thoughts are further strengthened by the map of genetic distances from the northern Russians (Fig. 5.8): the gene pool of the heirs of Novgorod Rus' completely repeats all the patterns described above. The genetic uniqueness of northern Russian populations is firmly established. But it has become a common cliché to associate this uniqueness only with the Finno-Ugric substrate. Therefore, let us note that the map of genetic distances from northern Russians is still more similar to the genetic landscapes of the Balts - Latvians and Lithuanians, rather than Finnish-speaking peoples. This indicates that future paleoDNA studies of Mesolithic and Neolithic populations may correct the now common interpretation of the genetic uniqueness of the Russian North simply as a legacy of the gene pool of the Finnish-speaking population. Perhaps we will have the opportunity to see the connection between the gene pool of the Russian North and the Balts, who in turn inherited the gene pool of the ancient population of the periglacial zone of Eastern Europe.

MAPPING SIMILARITIES WITH THE FINNISH GENE POOL (Fig. 5.9)

The most peculiar map of this series - genetic distances from the “most Finnish-speaking” people - that is, from the Finns themselves (Fig. 5.9) is consistent with this call for caution in interpretations. Their genetic landscape is not similar to any of those considered: we do not see any similarity at all with the considered gene pools of North-Eastern Europe. The area of ​​similar values ​​fits into Fennoscandia, and even then it occupies only half of it: both the easternmost outskirts of Fennoscandia and the huge southwestern part of Norway and Sweden turned out to be genetically far from the Finnish gene pool. And only the outlines of the orange area of ​​genetically distant populations (but still not the most distant gene pools) repeat the outlines of the zone of similarity on the other maps of this series.

Such a pronounced originality of the genetic landscape of the Finns is in conflict with their close linguistic relationship with other peoples of the Baltic-Finnish group (formed historically recently - in the 1st millennium BC) and geographical location - the Finns naturally belong specifically to the region of North-Eastern Europe .

It is traditionally believed that the uniqueness of the Finnish gene pool (expressed, among other things, in the presence of a special “Finnish” spectrum of hereditary diseases) is due to the fact that the population went through a demographic bottleneck, which led to powerful effects of genetic drift. The Finns seemed to find themselves on the periphery of both the Finno-Ugric and Scandinavian worlds. Let me remind you that in Andersen’s search for the palace of the Snow Queen, the Laplander sends Gerda to the very ends of the world - to the Finnish woman. There is nowhere else to go.

So, a persistent genetic landscape characteristic of most peoples of North-Eastern Europe has been identified. But these peoples are united neither by belonging to a common language group, nor by belonging to a common region (the Finns undoubtedly belong to the same region, but their map is different). Then what unites them? Preservation (“conservation”) of the gene pool of the ancient population of the periglacial zone of Eastern Europe? The temptation to put forward such a hypothesis is great. After all, even if we exclude the genetically sharply different (drifted?) Finns from the generalized map of the genetic landscape, and build the map anew using a series of seven maps (Fig. 5.10), we will still get the same stable genetic landscape of North-Eastern Europe (as in Fig. 5.1), only painted in even brighter tones of small genetic differences. It is this that can be considered the typical, standard, “reference” genetic landscape of the indigenous population of North-Eastern Europe.

Anyone even superficially familiar with gene geography will immediately say: these maps are united by a haplogroup N1c-M178. Yes, it is precisely its high frequencies that are characteristic of all the gene pools considered, and the area of ​​these high frequencies forms an arc curved to the north from the Baltic to the Urals. But its frequency is especially high among Finns (more than half of the gene pool), and the originality of the genetic landscape of Finns is largely explained by the increase in the frequency of this haplogroup. Other peoples of northern Eastern Europe have frequencies N1c-M178 more moderate. But let's not forget that the maps are not built one by one. N1c-M178, but according to data on the entire set of major European haplogroups, the frequencies of which vary significantly within North-Eastern Europe. Therefore, the identified zones of similarity and their features are determined not only by haplogroup N1c, but the entire Y-chromosomal gene pool.

But still, the role of this North Eurasian haplogroup is especially great. Therefore, its in-depth study will allow us to continue the story told in this section. We won’t have long to wait for the continuation: genome-wide studies of the Y chromosome have already made it possible to identify haplogroups in the Eurasian area N1c, at least eight geographically confined branches, along which a number of Eurasian populations have already been screened. As soon as the number and range of European populations for which the frequencies of new branches of the haplogroup are determined N1c, will reach a reliable level for creating full-fledged maps of genetic distances, we will update this series of maps by including maps of new branches in the spectrum of analyzed haplogroups N1c and then, I hope, we will be able to identify different migration flows in the genetic landscape of North-Eastern Europe.

• Indigenous peoples of the Far East: economy, life, culture.
• Consequences of Russian colonization.
• State policy towards indigenous peoples of the Far East

Indigenous peoples of the Far East: economy, life, culture
The Russian Far East does not represent a single ethnographic region. Historically, the ethnic map of the region was extremely varied. Hundreds of tribes and clans inhabited a vast territory from the coast of the Arctic Ocean to the borders of China and Korea. In the reports of Russian explorers of the 17th century. the Chukchi, Koryaks, Eskimos, Kamchadals, Yukagirs, Tungus, Aleuts, Gilyaks, Natkas, Achans, Goldiks, Solons, Daurs, Duchers and others are mentioned. Far Eastern aborigines have come a long way in their development. They were the first to inhabit the taiga and tundra, reached the shores of the Arctic and Pacific oceans, and created unique cultures. The peculiarities of the historical path of the aborigines of the Far East and the uniqueness of their cultures largely depended on the geographical environment against the background and conditions of which these peoples lived.

Ethnically, the territory of settlement of the Far Eastern aborigines represented several large areas, each of which has its own specifics, determined by the geographical environment, the process of historical development of peoples, their belonging to one or another language group, the productive activities of peoples and relationships.

The Far North-East of Asia - the Chukotka-Kamchatka ethnographic region - is inhabited by the Chukchi (self-name - Chavchu); Eskimos (self-name - Inuit); Koryaks (self-name - Namylan, Chauch), Itelmens (Kamchadals), Aleuts (Unchan). The formation of these peoples, as evidenced by sources, began during the protracted Neolithic period. The Chukchi, Koryaks, and Itelmens are the autochthonous population of Chukotka and Kamchatka. Their ancestors - the aborigines of the Far Northeast - were continental hunters of wild deer, and also hunted sea animals and were engaged in fishing. Interethnic and intraethnic relations were poorly developed. At the beginning of the new era, the Eskimos appeared in the Far Northeast with their specialized culture of marine hunting. They influenced the production activities, culture and language of the Chukchi and Koryaks. In turn, the Eskimo language absorbed a significant amount of Chukchi-Kamchatka vocabulary. According to I. S. Vdovin, with the advent of the Eskimos, conditions appeared for the gradual development of the exchange of products of marine hunting for products of land hunting and reindeer husbandry.

By the beginning of the 17th century. Socially, the peoples of the Far Northeast were at the stage of a primitive communal system. By language they belonged to the Paleo-Asian and Eskimo-Aleut groups. By the end of the 17th century. the population of the Far Northeast, according to I. S. Gurvich and B. O. Dolgikh, was 40 thousand people. The economic activities of the peoples of the Far Northeast were complex. Thus, the sea hunting industry of the Eskimos and Chukchi was combined with hunting, fishing and gathering, and fishing, the leading branch of the economy of the coastal Koryaks, was combined with sea hunting. Pastoral reindeer husbandry coexisted with hunting wild deer. The main occupation of the Itelmens was fishing, and their secondary occupations were land and sea hunting and gathering. The Aleuts were engaged in sea hunting.

The taiga-tundra regions of the Okhotsk coast, Northeast Asia and the north of the Amur region were the place of residence of the Evens (Lamuts, self-name - Even, Oroch), Evenks (old name - Tungus), Yukaghirs (self-name - Odul), who were also at the stage of the primitive communal system . The languages ​​spoken by these peoples belong to the Tungusic group of languages. The ethnogenesis of the Yukaghirs, Evens and Evenks (Tungus) is complex. Many researchers of Siberia consider the Yukaghirs as direct descendants of the ancient aboriginal population of the northern Far East - continental wild reindeer hunters and fishermen. According to I.S. Gurvich, the Yukaghir tribes, despite their isolation, were in contact with the northeastern Paleo-Asian, Tungus-speaking peoples and themselves took part in their ethnogenesis. In the middle of the 17th century. In the north of the Far East there lived three Yukaghir tribes - Khodyntsi, Chuvans, Anauls. Autochthonous tribes of Siberia took part in the ethnogenesis of the Tungus (Evens and Evenks). A.P. Okladnikov and G.M. Vasilevich believe that once upon a time the distant ancestors of the northern Tungus lived near Lake Baikal. From the south and southeast, Turkic, Mongolian, and Manchu tribes came to the Baikal region, mixed with the local population and probably gave rise to the Evens and Evenks. Subsequently, the ancient Tungus began to migrate both to the west and to the east up to the Okhotsk coast. However, according to researchers, the ethnic characteristics that make it possible to distinguish the Evens from the Evenks developed after the Russians arrived in Siberia. By the middle of the 17th century. the number of Evens and Evenks amounted to 8.4 thousand people. All these peoples led a nomadic lifestyle. They were divided according to the type of farming into foot and reindeer. For the former, fishing, gathering and hunting were of paramount importance in the economy. The latter were engaged in transhumance reindeer herding and hunting wild deer. They also had a small herd of domestic reindeer, which they used as transport animals.

The third large ethnographic region - Amur-Sakhalin - covers the Amur region, Primorye, Sakhalin. These are the areas inhabited by the Nanai (self-name - Nani, formerly - Goldy), Ulchi (self-name - Olchi), Udege (Ude, Udege), Orochi (self-name - Nani), Orok (old name - Ulta), Negidal (self-name - Elkan, Beyenian ), Nivkhs (old name - Gilyaks), Ainu. There is no consensus among researchers about the ethnogenesis of the peoples of the Amur region and Sakhalin. Is not it. Shrenk argued that the Nivkhs are the original inhabitants of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin, and their Tungus-speaking neighbors - the Ulchi, Oroks, Nanai - are very late newcomers who borrowed from the Nivkhs the basic methods of economic activity and forms of life. In turn, the Tungus-speaking groups, according to L.I. Shrenk, had a great influence on the Nivkhs. L. Ya. Sternberg, having studied the Tungus-speaking peoples, came to the conclusion that the Ulchi, Nanai, Orochi and Orok are representatives of a single tribe (nationality). Based on an analysis of the similarities in some elements of the homes of the Nivkhs and the peoples of Northeast Asia, it was concluded that the ancestors of the Nivkhs came from more northern regions. A.P. Okladnikov believed that already in the Neolithic on the Amur and Sakhalin the culture of the ancestors of the modern Nanai, Ulchi and Nivkhs began to take shape. According to A.P. Derevyanko, at the beginning of the new era, the agricultural population of the Mohe had a great influence on the peoples of the lower Amur, and exchange relations developed between them. All these nationalities were at the stage of disintegration of tribal relations. The inhabitants of the south of the Far East in the Neolithic period, judging by archaeological data, led a sedentary lifestyle. The basis of their economy was fishing. During the Early Iron Age, the population of the middle and upper Amur had already switched to agriculture. Agriculture was combined with hunting and, possibly, reindeer herding, which led to the penetration of Tungus tribes into the Amur Valley. Among the Nivkhs, crafts such as blacksmithing, boat-making, rope weaving, and the dressing of animal skins and fish skins reached a fairly high level of development. The Nanai people achieved great skill in building boats, making various types of sleds, skis, etc. Nanai products made from birch bark were distinguished by their high artistic merit. The Orochs have long been familiar with metal casting. The Ainu, in addition to fishing and hunting, were engaged in ocean fishing. Agriculture was mainly developed among the Duchers and Daurs. Agricultural products met the needs for bread, cereals and flour. Some of them went for exchange. In addition to farming, the Daurs were engaged in horse breeding and hunting. Horses were used for riding. The Daurians also knew crafts. They sawed logs and beams, built houses and made boats, wove ropes and ropes from nettles, and knew how to process metal. Essentially, the economy of all the peoples of the south of the Far East was complex and semi-natural in nature.

The aborigines of the southern part of the Far East actively developed interethnic contacts. The Nivkhs, Ulchis, and Nanais were engaged in the exchange of raw materials and local products. In the process of communication, interethnic marriages took place. For example, among the Ulchi there arose clans of Nivkh, Nanai, Negidal origin, and among the Nanai - Ulchi, Nivkh, etc. Linguistically, most of these peoples belonged to the Tungus-Manchu language group, the Nivkhs to the Paleo-Asian language group. In the documents of the pioneers of the 17th century. the Daurs and Duchers are mentioned, who were at a higher stage of social development, led a sedentary lifestyle, and experienced strong cultural influence from the Manchus and Chinese. The language of the Duchers was close to the Tungus-Manchu language, and the Daurs were close to Mongolian.

The centuries-old history of indigenous peoples is complex. Despite all the difficulties of living in the harsh climatic conditions of the Far East, the aborigines managed to create a rich material culture. The material culture of the aborigines was maximally adapted to the harsh geographical conditions of the region, the nature of production activities, taking into account those materials, means, products that nature gave them in the required quantity: taiga, rivers, ocean. Tools and means of transportation corresponded to traditional occupations. The tools of sea hunting and means of transportation by sea among the Eskimos and sedentary Chukchi had much in common. To hunt cetaceans, walruses, and seals, the Eskimos and Chukchi used a rotating harpoon. The Koryaks, in addition to this device, used non-rotating tips made of bone with symmetrically located barbs. They were also used when hunting small pinnipeds. To catch seals, the Chukchi and Eskimos used nets made of thin belts. Land hunting tools were quite uniform among all the peoples of this region: bows, spears, arrows with stone, iron, bone tips of various shapes and purposes; spears, darts, belt loops. Tools and means of fishing - locks, muzzles, spears, hooks, etc. The main means of transportation by sea for the Eskimos, Chukchi, and Aleuts were canoes and kayaks. The use of kayaks when hunting marine mammals, and kayaks when hunting wild deer at river crossings, is illustrated by the petroglyphs of Pegtymel. The Itelmens and Koryaks used bat-boats hollowed out of solid logs to navigate rivers and bays. The sedentary population - Koryaks, Chukchi, Eskimos and Itelmens - used reindeer, dog teams, various types of sleds (for passenger riding, for transporting goods, children), and ski poles as transport. The Yukaghirs hunted land animals with bows and arrows. In fishing on rivers, lakes, and bays they used a variety of gear: snouts, hooks, spears, nets made of horsehair, hooks, etc. The Evenki's means of transportation were sledges, into which the nomads harnessed reindeer. For the Yukaghirs, the means of transportation in the summer along the rivers were rafts, light birch bark shuttles, and dugouts; in the winter, they used walking kamus skis, similar to the Chukchi skis, and sleds, which were harnessed to dogs in a train. The aborigines of the south of the Far East - the Nanai, Ulchi, Nivkhs - used hooks, nets, and nets made from wild hemp and nettles in fishing. Large fish and sea animals were caught with harpoons. The Ainu used harpoons with detachable bone or iron tips to catch large fish. Seines - tools for collective fishing - appeared relatively late, when fish began to be caught for sale. Aboriginal people used adzes everywhere, which served as an axe. They were used to process wood, bone, and walrus tusk. Russian explorer of Kamchatka S.P. Krasheninnikov noted that even in the middle of the 17th century. The natives of Kamchatka made their tools - axes, knives, spears, arrows, needles - from deer and whale bone and stone. Axes were used to hollow out boats, bowls, troughs, etc. At the same time, as archaeological excavations in Sarychev Bay have shown, the natives of Northeast Asia were familiar with iron in the 1st millennium AD. e. But the widespread use of iron tools became possible only with the arrival of the Russians.

The natural conditions in which the Far Eastern aborigines lived and their economic activities determined the nature of the settlements, type of housing, way of life, and clothing. Archaeologists discovered that permanent settlements were only among those peoples who led a sedentary lifestyle and were mainly engaged in fishing or sea hunting. At the same time, settled peoples - Eskimos, coastal Koryaks, Nivkhs, Ulchis, Nanais - had both permanent settlements and temporary settlements - fishing, seasonal. The nomadic peoples (Chukchi, Koryaks), who were engaged in taiga hunting and reindeer herding, did not have permanent settlements. The main settlements were winter ones. Some villages of Eskimos and sedentary Chukchi were in one place for tens, or even hundreds of years. The Itelmens lived in temporary villages in the summer, where they fished, and in the winter they moved to villages consisting of dugouts. For the majority of the settled population of the Amur, the main life was concentrated in winter villages, where there were barns, as well as summer dwellings. The types of dwellings were varied. In Kamchatka and Chukotka, semi-dugouts with an entrance through a smoke hole in the roof were widespread. Such dwellings in the 18th century. were preserved by the Itelmens and Koryaks; several related families lived in them. The reindeer Chukchi and Koryaks had a portable yaranga (yurt) in which they lived all year round. It was a multifaceted frame with wooden supports and a roof. Sometimes a canopy made of poles covered with reindeer skins was added to the Koryak winter dwelling. In the summer, the Itelmen moved to a booth - these are round or quadrangular double buildings supported by nine or twelve pillars. The Aleuts lived in dugouts, and in the summer they settled in above-ground dwellings. The Yukaghirs lived in large settlements - forts in dugouts; in the summer they moved into felled rectangular buildings. The winter home of the Even nomads was a portable conical tent. For sedentary groups, the winter home was a log house or half-dugout with a fireplace made of poles coated with clay. The sedentary Nanai, Ulchi, Orochi, “lower” Negidals and Nivkhs had a permanent home in the 17th–18th centuries. was a building in the form of an ordinary house with pillar frames, a roof, an earthen floor, and with ditch heating. Each nation's summer home differed in shape and design. For example, the Daurs lived in settlements (of 60–70 frame-type houses). The buildings resembled the above-ground dwellings of the peoples of the Amur region and Manchuria. The villages (fortress towns) were surrounded by earthen ramparts and walls. Around them were fields and grazing areas. In the XVIII–XIX centuries. The peoples of the Far East gradually mastered the technique of Russian log house construction. Russian stoves appeared, and bunks or beds were installed in place of the kans. Russian hut at the beginning of the 20th century. became the main type of housing.

The clothing of the peoples of the Far East developed in ancient times and changed over the centuries. The character and type of clothing of the aborigines was influenced by climatic conditions and the fishing activities of the peoples. The peoples of Northeast Asia used closed clothing of the northeastern type. Winter clothing for men was a short double jacket. The Koryaks and Itelmens wore kukhlyankas with a hood and a small bib sewn to the front of the collar. Winter clothing made from bird skins (parkas) was common among the Aleuts. In the summer they wore worn-out winter clothes, and also sewed special summer clothes from thick smoke cloth, rovduga (suede), intestines of sea animals, and bird skins. The clothes of the Evens, Evenks, and Yukaghirs were of a swing type and cut and had two versions of the caftan cut: it was sewn from skins, less often from rovduga; under the caftan in winter they wore a second one, sewn with fur inside; it also served as summer clothing. The Yukaghirs sewed clothes from tanned deer skins; had armor, kuyaks and helmets made of bone plates. The Nanais, Ulchis, Nivkhs, Oroks, and Udyges wore wrap-around clothing with a double left hem. They made clothes from cloth, suede, and fish skin. Winter clothing of the Ainu are robes made of cloth, animal skins or elk skin. In summer the Ainu wore headbands and in winter they wore fur hats. Festive clothing did not differ in cut from everyday clothing, but it was richly decorated with embroidery, appliqués, fur mosaics, and beads. The Koryaks sewed fringes and tassels from thin white mandarka, sewn with colored beads, and appliqués in the form of jagged strips cut out of mandarka onto their festive clothes. The Itelmens sewed festive parkas from sable, deer or dog fur, and decorated the fur with decorative stripes. During celebrations, the Aleuts wore a new parka, richly decorated with fur straps.

The food of the Far Eastern peoples was also varied. The main food of polar hunters - Eskimos, coastal Chukchi and Koryaks - is walrus, seal and whale meat in various forms (ice cream, boiled, dried). Whale skin was eaten raw; Venison was highly prized. Vegetable foods, seaweed, and shellfish were used as seasonings. The Itelmens' main food was fish - “Kamchatka bread”. They ate dried fish (yukola), smoked and pickled. Russian traveler V.M. Golovnin noted that “Kamchadals very rarely salt fish. A small part is smoked, the rest is air-dried or fermented; that is, they put fresh fish in a hole and bury it with earth, where it spoils and rots. This abomination is called sour fish here, but the Kamchadals are extremely fond of sour fish.” The Evens and Evenks ate mainly deer and elk meat, which was prepared by sun-drying in finely chopped form. Soup was prepared using meat broth with the addition of blood. Sausage was made from the intestines, yukon was made from dried fish, and flour was made from dried fish. In the summer they consumed large quantities of reindeer milk, berries, wild garlic, and onions. The main drink is tea with reindeer milk and salt. The food of the population of the southern part of the Far East was predominantly fish. They consumed fish in different forms: boiled, raw, canned. Soups from fresh or dried fish, as well as meat, were prepared with a variety of seasonings - wild herbs and roots. A lot of fish oil was added to a dish made from purchased products (cereals, pasta, noodles). It was also eaten with berries, which were used in large quantities in salads, mainly from fish and various roots. Tea was brewed from chaga, lingonberry leaves, mint, wild rosemary shoots, etc.

The centuries-old experience of life of the indigenous peoples of the Far East is reflected in the spiritual culture. Being the creators of a unique spiritual culture and original applied art, they made an invaluable contribution to the treasury of world culture.

Folklore occupied a significant place in spiritual life: myths, fairy tales, legends. All the peoples of the Far North had a myth about a cultural hero - the Creator Crow. In Chukchi folklore, the Raven’s main feat is obtaining light. Raven stole the Sun from evil spirits, created mountains, rivers, people and animals, using seal bones, wood chips, grass and flint as material. In Eskimo myths there are stories about the creation of the sushi Raven. In Koryak-Itelmen myths, much attention is paid to the family life of Raven: his wife, brother, sister, as well as children and grandchildren usually appear. Heroic tales among the peoples of the Far Northeast arose in the era of the decomposition of the tribal system and the beginning of the stratification of primitive society. The main character of heroic tales is a human wolf-hunter, distinguished by physical strength and ingenuity. Many heroic tales were based on true historical events: major clashes, internecine enmity between individual communities and families. Thus, in Chukchi tales the opponents are the Koryaks, in Koryak tales the Chukchi are the opponents. In Itelmen folklore there is a single cycle of legends about the hero Tylval.

Among the peoples of the south of the Far East there are cosmogonic, totemic and other myths. Cosmogonic myths tell about the origin of the Universe. For example, the myths of the peoples of the Amur region tell about the participation of the Swan and the Eagle in the creation of the world. Totemic myths tell about the connections between a person and an animal, which then becomes the patron of the clan. Thus, the Orochi and Nanais considered the tiger their ancestor, the Nivkhs considered the bear to be their ancestor. They all believed that animals, if they wanted, could always take off their skin and become human.

Folk decorative art occupied a large place in the life and everyday life of the aborigines. It reflected not only the original aesthetic worldview of peoples, but also social life, the level of economic development and interethnic and intertribal ties. The traditional decorative art of nationalities has deep roots in the land of their ancestors. Vivid evidence of this is the monument of ancient culture - petroglyphs (drawings and writings) on the rocks of Sikachi-Alyan. The art of the Tungus-Manchus and Nivkhs reflected the environment, aspirations, and creative imagination of hunters, fishermen, and herb and root gatherers. The original art of the peoples of Amur and Sakhalin has always delighted those who came into contact with it for the first time. The Russian scientist L.I. Shrenk was very impressed by the ability of the Nivkhs (Gilyaks) to make crafts from various metals, to decorate their weapons with figures made of red copper, brass, and silver. A large place in the art of the Tungus-Manchus and Nivkhs was occupied by cult sculpture, the materials for which were wood, iron, silver, grass, straw in combination with beads, beads, ribbons, and fur. Researchers note that only the peoples of Amur and Sakhalin knew how to make amazingly beautiful applications on fish skin, and paint birch bark and wood. The life of a hunter, sea hunter, and tundra reindeer herder is reflected in the art of the Chukchi, Eskimos, Koryaks, Itelmens, and Aleuts. Over the course of many centuries, they achieved perfection in carving walrus ivory, carving on bone plates depicting dwellings, boats, animals, and scenes of hunting sea animals. The famous Russian explorer of Kamchatka, Academician S.P. Krasheninnikov, admiring the skill of the ancient peoples, wrote: “Of all the work of these other peoples, which they do very cleanly with stone knives and axes, nothing was as surprising to me as a chain made of walrus ivory... She consisted of rings, the smoothness of which was like chiseled ones, and was made from one tooth; its upper rings were larger, the lower ones smaller, and its length was slightly less than half an arshin. I can safely say that in terms of the purity of the work and the art, no one would consider anything else to be the work of a wild Chukchi and made with a stone tool.”

Throughout the entire historical development of the peoples of the Far East, their songs were formed. The most ancient layers of musical culture are manifested in the “bear festival” of the peoples of the south of the Far East. The main character of Yukaghir songs and fairy tales was a smart and brave hare. Folklore - legends, myths, traditions - preserved the norms of law, ethics and morality. The traditions of musical art were passed on from generation to generation. The most widespread is the circular dance, the round dance. The performance of songs and dances was accompanied by organ music. The holidays ended with mass games, during which they competed in wrestling, running, and archery. The art of dance played a very important place in Aboriginal culture. Play dances were widely practiced among the Eskimos, Chukchi, Koryaks, and Itelmens. Ritual dances were of a magical nature, dedicated to the end of the hunt or seeing off the souls of killed sea animals at sea, or the ceremonial meeting of hunted sea animals. They were performed by elderly women to the accompaniment of a tambourine or singing. The performers, while dancing, imitated the habits of the animals, trying to “appease” him and cheer him up.

Special dances are characteristic of the Evenks and Evens. They had round dances that moved in a closed circle, following the course of the Sun, accompanied by the singing of the performers themselves.

Consequences of Russian colonization

The inclusion of indigenous peoples into the Russian state was of particular importance for the historical development of the indigenous population. Constant contacts with Russian people led to various changes in the life of the indigenous population. This process was progressive, but complex. Gradually, the involvement of the semi-natural economy of the aborigines in the all-Russian economy brought the Far Eastern peoples out of their primitive isolation and isolation. Under the influence of the Russian population, some of the aboriginal groups began to engage in vegetable gardening and livestock farming, which were mainly of a natural nature. Many indigenous groups gradually moved from reindeer herding, hunting and fishing to hunting fur-bearing animals and trading furs in exchange for industrial goods and European products; others, changing the nature of reindeer herding, moved from small-herd to large-herd.

In the XIX – early XX centuries. the economies of the indigenous population were drawn into the sphere of capitalist production. Furs acquired commercial value; products of reindeer husbandry, fishing, and marine hunting were partially put on the market. The emergence of commodity-money relations contributed to the disintegration of the patriarchal-tribal system among indigenous peoples. The custom of sharing large meat kills and the most valuable hunting products (for example, antlers) gradually disappeared. Private ownership of fishery products expanded; personal property appeared even among members of the same family: husband, wife, children. By the beginning of the 20th century. national communities split into rich and poor. Individual representatives of the wealthy elite moved to cities, breaking with their national environment. Ancient customs, customary law, and traditions were forced out of the indigenous population by private interests. However, this process had its own characteristics among different peoples. Among the Nanai and Ulchi, the clan organization collapsed by the middle of the 19th century. Among the Nivkhs this process was slower. The changes least affected the aborigines of the northern territories - the Koryaks, Chukchi, Evens and others. Social transformations in their midst were hampered by their continued isolation from the rest of the world and inconsistent contacts with Russian, Japanese and American merchants and industrialists. In the XVII-XVIII centuries. Migration and mixing of populations increased both within one group and between different ethnic groups. In general, from the 17th to the beginning of the 20th century. The ethnographic map of the region changed significantly and became more complex: the territories of groups engaged primarily in appropriating industries (Koryaks, Eskimos, Itelmens) decreased and, on the contrary, reindeer herders (Evens, Evenks) significantly expanded their territories.

The annexation of the Far Eastern lands to Russia also had negative sides. The fiscal policy of tsarism to a certain extent contributed to the conservation of archaic social relations and doomed the aborigines to severe exploitation and material vegetation. Unbearable tribute, lack of medical care, unsanitary living conditions, abuses of the administration, oppression by merchants and Cossacks gave rise to the desire of the aborigines to free themselves from the oppression of the newcomer Russian population. In the 18th – early 20th centuries. There were several major clashes between indigenous peoples and Russian explorers. The most serious clashes occurred on the Okhotsk coast, Kamchatka, and Chukotka. The Chukchi were the most persistent in their struggle. The unbridled robbery of Russian and foreign entrepreneurs affected the state of the economy of the indigenous peoples of the Far East. The number of marine game animals, valuable fur-bearing animals, and valuable fish species has sharply decreased. The indigenous population was shamelessly exploited by both Russian traders and industrialists and their own. They paid for furs and fish with goods of the lowest quality; trading operations were often accompanied by getting the aborigines drunk on vodka.

As a result of the decline of the traditional economy, there was a shortage of food, and the mortality rate of the indigenous population from hunger, epidemics of measles and smallpox increased sharply. So, according to academician L.I. Shrenk, in the 1850s. 5,216 Gilyaks (Nivkhs) lived in the Amur region, and the 1897 census registered only 4,642 people. Such a difficult situation for the aborigines continued at the beginning of the twentieth century. The widespread spread of previously unknown diseases and mass alcoholism led to high mortality and mental and physical degeneration. The farming opportunities of the aborigines were further reduced due to the seizure and redistribution of land in favor of Russian and foreign entrepreneurs, and the commercial exploitation of the indigenous population. The indigenous population, unable to live off their traditional crafts, was forced to learn new occupations: hired work in the extraction and salting of fish, the collection of hay and firewood, and construction. Indigenous workers appeared in the mines and fields of the Amur region and Sakhalin.

State policy towards indigenous peoplesFar East

The Far East attracted the Russian tsarist government as a territory for implementing resettlement policies, while it tried to prevent the negative impact of the Russians on the indigenous peoples of Siberia and the Far East. In 1822, the Charter on the management of foreigners was adopted. It attempted to legally define the position of the indigenous population. The charter was imbued with the desire to preserve not only economic well-being, but also the original way of life. The government, despite all the measures, failed to bring into legal framework the flow of Russian colonization of the North and the Far East, which invaded deep into the lands, constantly violating the rights of foreigners. In 1892, a New Regulation on Foreigners was adopted, which was in force until 1917. According to this law, a department of elders was established in the Amur region, subordinate to police or volost departments. By 1916, a special “Regulation on the management of foreigners of the Amur region” was adopted and began to operate, developed with the direct participation of the Amur Governor-General N. L. Gondatti. According to this “Regulation”, most of the peoples of the south of the Far East were equated to the peasant class. However, the measures taken by the tsarist government did not have the desired result due to their unsystematic, episodic nature, and also due to the fault of local authorities who bypassed all decisions. At the same time, indigenous peoples, as subjects of the empire, were subjected to the disastrous manifestations of the policy of indifferent, passive attitude of the authorities in relation to raising the standard of living, their health, literacy, and maintaining national culture.

The situation that developed in the country during the First World War, the revolution and the subsequent civil war and foreign intervention aggravated the situation of the indigenous indigenous peoples. The threat of the collapse of the country as a result of the claims of interventionists and the fierce struggle of internal socio-political forces hit the economy of the areas where Aboriginal people lived. The fishing economy was in crisis, there were no connections with the southern regions, trade in furs and timber fell and, as a result, the population decreased. It was only in the 1920s that the process of extinction of indigenous peoples was stopped. under Soviet rule.

The most important feature of the state policy of the Soviet government in relation to indigenous peoples was that, unlike the policy of the tsarist government, it was carried out not only with the goal of preserving these peoples from extinction, but, mainly, of qualitative changes in their culture, way of life, and way of life. In a short time they had to become full-fledged and full-fledged citizens of the country. The country required enormous natural resources for restoration and construction. The state's attention was focused on the eastern regions. Minerals, timber, furs, fish, water resources - all these riches were hidden in the Far Eastern land. Even during the years of the Civil War, the Committee for the Study of Natural Resources was created in Moscow, which in the 1920s. launched extensive activities in Siberia and the Far East. In his activities, he encountered the problem of the condition of the aboriginal population. Numerous expeditions to the places of residence of northern peoples in the early 1920s. revealed a horrifying picture. Due to the military-political events of 1917–1922. these peoples were on the verge of extinction, so the Committee for the Study of Natural Resources in the 1920s. took a number of measures aimed at maintaining the lives of the northerners. Often this was expressed in the free supply of food, weapons, ammunition, and the provision of reindeer for use. Many areas of fishing and hunting grounds were returned to the people. They were exempt from state and local taxes.

In 1924, under the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the Committee for Assistance to the Peoples of the Northern Outskirts was created, which began to deal with the problems of the indigenous peoples of the USSR. Local committees were soon created. In 1926, the Far Eastern Committee of the North was established under the Far Eastern Executive Committee under the leadership of the outstanding organizer and scientist K. Ya. Luks. The inhabitants of the Amur region, Chukotka and Kamchatka called him the head of the “Big Committee”. The main task of the central and local committees was to study the life of indigenous peoples and provide them with assistance in the conditions of new social relations. These institutions fit organically into the management system being created.

In the second half of the 1920s. the lending and pricing policy towards indigenous people has changed. Local handicraft products found sales, and the purchasing power of the local population increased. Cooperative forms of management arose. In 1927, about 70 seasonal fishing cooperatives were registered in the lower reaches of the Amur. These were the simplest partnerships based on collective labor, associated with state and cooperative organizations with supply and marketing relations. There were no strict limits on catching fish for personal consumption.

Marine hunting was important at this time. In 1927, 800 bearded seals, 2,205 seals, and 927 beluga whales were caught in the Amur Estuary. At the same time, local residents handed over 1/5 of the products to the state and cooperative enterprises, and used the rest on their farms. Thus, by the end of the 1920s. The economic situation of the Nivkhs has improved significantly due to the increased ability to use natural resources for traditional use. During this period, many Nivkh families became acquainted with livestock farming, and livestock sales were carried out on preferential terms for them. In 1927–1928 40% of Nivkh farms had horses, 16.7% had cattle, 20% had poultry, 82.7% had dogs. Vegetable gardening also developed. In 1924, 30% of households had vegetable gardens.

However, a number of factors hindered the modernization of farms. These include tribal relations, lack of common culture, and remoteness of places of residence. To overcome them, the Committee of the North took organizational, political and administrative measures. During 1927–1936 By his decision, 18 northern cultural bases were built, including 4 in the Far East. They were intended to solve pressing life problems and serve the needs of the population. The cultural base included a complex of social, economic and cultural institutions: a store, a school, a hospital, a bathhouse, and a Native House (something between a club and a hotel).

The peculiarities of the socio-economic development of the peoples of the Far East, their living conditions (scale of territory, small population, remoteness from the centers of the country), the nature of their fisheries gave rise to traditions of free use of fishing grounds. Interethnic ties were also facilitated by the exchange of locally produced products. However, the peculiarities of life and culture of the indigenous peoples contradicted the policy of accelerated construction of socialism, which was carried out in the country since the late 1920s. – early 1930s As a result, indigenous peoples experienced the negative consequences of industrialization and collectivization, which were aggravated by the ill-conceived national policies of the state. There is an opinion that in the conditions of industrial development of the Far East, national traditions, way of life, customs, and the economy of small peoples, in principle, could not be preserved.

The first blow to the fragile ethnosocial environment of the peoples of the Far East was dealt in the 30s–50s. 20th century, when collectivization began among them. The creation of collective and state farms was provided with financial support from the state. The first agricultural cooperatives appeared in 1928. By 1930, there were already several dozen fishing and hunting collective farms among the indigenous population of the Far East. The basis for collectivization was the decisions of party and state bodies. They largely did not take into account the peculiarities of the situation of indigenous minorities and were characterized by formalism and lack of thought. The Far Eastern Executive Committee decided to carry out collectivization among the ethnic groups of the North as part of a strict political course in 1931. Although the pace of collectivization was different for the territories, the indigenous inhabitants of the Amur region were covered by collectivization by 95% already in 1934. This figure indicated the massive coercion of residents to enroll in collective farms . Historians are aware of documents indicating a feeble attempt by the leadership to justify excesses in the policy of dispossession and to find the real culprits of violence against the people. Also since the late 1980s. materials about illegal repressions of citizens became public. “Enemies of the people” were also found among the Far Eastern peoples; hundreds of people were thrown into NKVD camps. But nothing could justify the threat of starvation. The country suffered greatly from the consequences of collectivization. There was a gradual displacement of indigenous peoples from traditional forms of economic activity: hunting, fishing, and marine hunting.

A special role in economic transformations in the Far East (?) was assigned to Integral Cooperation (Integral Union), created in 1926 to supply and sell products, promote fishing, and provide loans to the indigenous population. An analysis of its activities showed that excessive attention to national fishing areas for the procurement of furs and valuable fish species, low purchasing prices forced hunters to predatoryly destroy fur-bearing animals in order to ensure their existence. Social competition and exceeding plans led to the erosion of biological resources and did not ensure the reproduction of fish stocks, fur-bearing and sea animals. This was especially typical for fishermen in the Khabarovsk and Lower Amur regions. In this regard, the activities of Integral Cooperation were discontinued in 1938.

Only from the second half of the 1930s. positive changes began to emerge. Along with traditional crafts (hunting, fishing, reindeer herding), collective farms began to engage in vegetable farming, cage fur farming, and beekeeping. In order to mechanize traditional fisheries, motor fishing stations, marine hunting stations, and marine animal processing plants were opened, which served as MTS on agricultural collective farms. But it was not possible to completely overcome the deep-seated consequences of complete collectivization. In 1935 An independent economic unit was created - the Middle Amur Fishery Union. It united 48 fishing collective farms, geographically located in two districts (Komsomolsky and Nanaisky) with a total length of 500 km along the bank of the river. Amur. Collective farms were created on the ground, i.e., camps of traditional nature management of the indigenous population. Moreover, the number of collective farmers constantly increased, and the planned targets for catching fish grew significantly from year to year, despite the fact that throughout its existence the Fishery Union has never coped with the task assigned to it.

Simultaneously with collectivization, a number of settlements were liquidated, and sometimes forced relocation to poorly located villages. A unified approach began to be implemented; the peculiarities of cultures, customs, and lifestyles of indigenous peoples were not taken into account at all. This policy led to the destruction of people’s connection with the traditional economic system, to the loss of the national and cultural identity of peoples, to their forced inclusion in another, alien way of life.

After the Great Patriotic War, the remaining population was resettled into enlarged collective farms; In some localities, national and Russian collective farms were united.

In the 1950s–1960s. The life of indigenous residents began to improve due to changes in the material and technical support of collective farms, but the process of resettlement from traditional villages to enlarged settlements continued until the end of the 1970s. The separation of many families from their native soil (native village) and their relocation to new places led to the rapid destruction of the national culture. In the 1960s With the organization of industrial farms, the alienation of the aborigines from hunting began. This process had a particularly strong impact on the lives of the Negidal people, for whom hunting has always played a big role. They were gradually displaced from the lands by newcomer hunters. At the same time, some scientific conclusions regarding the negative consequences of resettlement and the ability of the hunting resource base to ensure sustainable development of the fishery without the threat of extinction from starvation continue to remain controversial. Habitat of indigenous minorities by 1950–1970 has been significantly transformed; the population could no longer live on the existing resource base. At the same time, there was no necessary critical mass of the population among the aborigines, which could live according to the laws of their fathers and grandfathers. The artificial concentration of the population, the “internalization” of children, the loss of communication between generations, all this led to alienation from the past traditional way of life.

The activities of local bodies of Soviet power were accompanied, on the one hand, by a total impact on the traditional ethnocultures of the peoples of the North in order to increase their modernized potential, and on the other hand, by the deployment of large-scale social programs designed to minimize the possible negative consequences of such modernization. The real changes that took place in the lives of peoples in the 1930s–1960s, interpreted by official propaganda and substantiated by Soviet science as unambiguously positive, for a long time prevented the negative consequences of such a policy from being noticed, much less made public.

At the same time, one cannot fail to note the positive changes in the situation of indigenous peoples that have occurred as a result of policies aimed at preserving health, developing education, and changing their way of life.

In the 1920s traveling medical teams became the main form of medical care for the indigenous population. In the Far East, such detachments first appeared in 1924. At first there were 2 of them, later there were 23. Since 1932, they began to create a permanent network of paramedics and medical stations in crowded areas. Many diseases were cured, and people believed in the effectiveness of medicine. Within ten years after the 1926–1928 Aboriginal Census. In the districts and regions of the Far East, the number of indigenous peoples by 1937 had grown from 49,902 to 62,761 people, which amounted to a 123% increase.

The situation was also poor with the Aboriginal literacy rate, which was 3%. After the establishment of Soviet power, the eradication of illiteracy began. Schools and mobile training centers were opened. When organizing studies, the peculiarities of the life of the population were taken into account. The adopted resolution of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of July 25, 1935 “On universal compulsory primary education” ordered that universal education be carried out in the Far North no later than 1934, and for areas with a nomadic population by 1935. In 1934, the general literacy of the indigenous of the population was 25%, and Nanais - 50%. However, despite the measures taken, including the introduction of universal primary education in the country, it was not possible to enroll all children in school even by 1940.

The creation of national scripts took place in 1931–1936. The Nanais, Nivkhs, Ulchis, Evenks, and Chukchi began to use Russian letters. This contributed to the inclusion of the peoples of the Far East in the world cultural process. The publication of magazines, newspapers, and books in national languages ​​testified to certain successes in cultural policy. However, there were some excesses here too. The unification of the educational process had a particularly painful impact on children's schooling. Since 1963, all schools located in areas densely populated by indigenous peoples have stopped teaching in their native languages. The Russian language was replacing national languages, and printed publications began to decline. The displacement of national “survivals” was considered a prerequisite for the formation of a person of a socialist worldview. Many traditions, rituals, and beliefs were condemned, and many positive and invaluable ancient customs were subjected to ideological pressure. The way of life of the peoples has changed radically and has become little different from the way of life of the Russian people. Gone are the colors and attractiveness of national villages, household utensils, clothing, games and entertainment. All this together caused great damage to the education of the younger generation of indigenous people.

The dual result of Russification is recognized by scientists in relation to all small peoples of the country, including the peoples of the Far East. Along with the negative manifestations of the policy of planting Russian culture, national cultures have reached significant heights, which is confirmed by the formation of scientific, creative intelligentsia from among small peoples. A major role in this was played by higher educational institutions created to train national personnel - the Institute of the Peoples of the North, opened in 1926 in Leningrad, the department of the peoples of the North at the Khabarovsk Pedagogical Institute, opened in 1934. Dozens of people have gained worldwide fame, among them such writers , as Nanai G. Khodzher, Udege D. Kimonko, Ulch A. Valdu, Chukchi Y. Rytkheu, Nivkh V. Sanga, singer and collector of folklore of the peoples of the North K. Beldy, Doctor of Philology S. Onenko, Doctor of Historical Sciences Ch. Taksami and etc.

In the 1960s–1980s. various and largely contradictory trends in the social development of indigenous indigenous peoples emerged and consistently intensified. The increase in the standard of living of the population and the stability of socio-economic development contributed to an increase in their numbers.

Dynamics of the number of indigenous peoples of the Amur region

Nationalities					1989 to 1959 (%)
Udege people
Negidalians

Small nations were finally involved in economic turnover. Throughout the country, employment in public production in 1970 was 88.3%, in the region - 89%. The share of the population employed in social production (of the total working age) among the indigenous peoples of the Lower Amur in 1970 was: Nanai - 80.9%, Ulchi - 76.2%, Nivkhs - 73.9%, Udeges - 77.1 %., including among the male population, respectively – 89.5%, 82.6%, 84.2%, 88.6%. In the first case, the decrease in indicators was due to lower female employment compared to men. This was explained by the persistence of national traditions and a temporary reduction in demand for labor due to the reorientation of national fishing collective farms to new branches of production. The socio-professional differentiation of the rural population of the peoples of the Lower Amur increased. By the end of the 1970s. the share of those employed in collective farm production among Nanai rural residents was 59.7%, Ulchi - 40.4%, and the rural population was quite widely employed in the state sphere of the national economy. In industry and public education it ranged from 8.2% to 20.8%. The Nanai and Ulchi mostly lived on collective farms that specialized in fish production. In the 1960s–1970s. There was a change in the sectoral structure of fishing collective farms - the share of fish production was reduced in favor of other sectors. This led to a redistribution of labor within collective farms, between collective farm and state production in rural areas, as well as between city and village. More than 40% of Nanais and about 60% of Ulchi in the 1970s. were employed in state production, which could not but affect the preservation of national crafts and habitat. Negative phenomena generated by ill-conceived and hasty modernization began to grow. The resolution of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Council of Ministers of the USSR of February 7, 1980 “On measures for the further economic and social development of areas inhabited by the nationalities of the North” was a belated step and could not radically change the unfavorable situation.

A significant loss of the national cultures of the indigenous indigenous peoples, the ongoing and intensifying attack on their habitat from year to year - these are the results of such a policy. The consolidation of populated settlements also continued in the region during these years. In the Khabarovsk Territory, 50 small villages, predominantly populated by ethnic minorities, ceased to exist.

During the years of perestroika, scientists were involved in developing state policy towards indigenous peoples, developing a state concept for the development of indigenous peoples, taking into account both positive and negative experience in solving complex interethnic problems in the country and abroad. In 1989, a large team of scientists under the leadership of the Siberian Branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences proposed a concept for the social and economic development of the peoples of the North for the period until 2010. Within the framework of this concept, key problems of support and development of the country's indigenous peoples were identified. These include issues of socio-economic, socio-cultural, medical and social development, problems of resettlement, the architectural living environment, the system of self-government of indigenous peoples

However, the hasty and ill-considered policy of restructuring the entire economic mechanism in the second half of the 1980s. ultimately led to the collapse of the economy and the deterioration of the situation of the entire population of the country, including the indigenous indigenous peoples.

The employment of the indigenous population in social production amounted to less than 50% of its number. This major problem arose after the cessation of state support that existed during the years of Soviet power, the collapse of consumer cooperatives that accepted wild plants from indigenous peoples, a significant reduction in the number of deer, and the collapse of collective fishing farms. According to the governor of the Khabarovsk Territory V.I. Ishaev, expressed in the early 1990s, the situation has developed in such a way that “... it has become clear and understandable that the Far East is falling out of the economic space of Russia.” Society's understanding of the importance of the problems that arose radically influenced the awakening of national self-awareness. The development of national movements took place especially actively in the late 80s. last century, when popular fronts, movements, and political parties began to be created. The indigenous indigenous peoples have not been spared this process either. In 1990, on March 30 in Moscow, at the first congress of indigenous minorities, the Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East was created. It included 30 regional ethnic associations created on territorial and territorial-ethnic principles, some of them were created at the time of the congress: in the Koryak Autonomous Okrug, in the Kamchatka, Magadan, Sakhalin, Amur regions, and Khabarovsk Territory. After the congress, associations of indigenous peoples are actively being created in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), Chukotka Autonomous Okrug, and Primorsky Territory. Associations are being formed: the branch of the Inuit Circumpolar Conference of the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug, the association of the Aleut people “Ansarko” of the Kamchatka region. In 1997, the Far Eastern Union of Indigenous Peoples of the Russian Federation was formed, as a representative of regional and ethnic Associations of Indigenous Peoples of the Far East.

The highest body of the Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East is the congress, convened once every 4 years. Between congresses the Coordination Council headed by the President works. S. N. Kharyuchi was elected the first President. P.V. Sulyandziga became the President of the Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North of the Far East. The Association held 3 congresses of indigenous peoples. By 2000, 3 large-scale projects had been implemented. The first project is aimed at developing institutions for the indigenous peoples of the North; it includes three parts. The first is “indigenous peoples to indigenous peoples.” In February 1998, representatives of regional associations established close contacts with the Inuit community in Canada and studied the experience of their work. The second part is “government to government.” The State Committee for the Development of the North of the Russian Federation and the Ministry of Indian Affairs and Northern Development of Canada discussed aspects of the development of the policies of the two countries regarding the Arctic. One of the successful results was the provision of humanitarian assistance in Chukotka in January 1998. The third part of the program is the provision of modern technological equipment to indigenous peoples' associations.

The second project “Development of circumpolar cooperation of indigenous peoples in protecting the rights and environment” at the theoretical and methodological level was implemented by 2000. Seminars and conferences were held on the problems of indigenous peoples, a data bank was created on project proposals from the regions, and data on environmental problems was collected. The Association is strengthening its influence in monitoring the processes of environmental development and rehabilitation.

At the turn of the 20th–21st centuries. The indigenous peoples of the Far East are faced with numerous problems that have vital (vital) significance for them. The situation in some cases worsened for them by the beginning of the 21st century. But the situation cannot be viewed as catastrophic. Statements about the disappearance of small peoples from the ethnic map of the region are, to say the least, erroneous. Ethnosocial problems of small peoples are not something unique and exceptional in the world. In countries where indigenous peoples live, similar tasks are being undertaken to assist them.

The lives of the peoples of the Far East are also undergoing processes of slow development towards a market economy. The authorities are faced with the task of creating conditions for effective “adaptation” to new socio-economic and political conditions, developing protective mechanisms against the negative impacts of ill-conceived reforms and restructuring. Over the course of several years, the persistence of regional authorities, the public, scientists, and specialists from various sectors of the economy managed to “turn” the situation towards the revival of the economy and culture of the Far East. This, in turn, provides a broad opportunity to resolve pressing issues of life and further progress of indigenous peoples. In 2004, the 10th anniversary of the world's indigenous peoples, declared by the UN, ended. The main development guidelines have been identified. In the Far Eastern regions of the Russian Federation, measures have been planned and implemented to overcome the negative consequences of state policy in the socio-economic sphere. A reduction in the number of individual indigenous peoples is taking place in modern conditions, but it cannot be called catastrophic.

Indigenous Minorities of the Khabarovsk Territory (according to census data)

Whole population
Peoples of the North Including:
Udege people
Negidalians

In the Khabarovsk Territory, the “Main Directions for the Development of Indigenous Minorities for 2002–2005” have been approved. Over the course of three years, 4 regional laws and more than 20 decrees of the governor and the regional government on the development of small peoples were adopted. The development of the “Program for the Development of Indigenous Minorities for 2006–2008” is nearing completion. The issue of representation of indigenous peoples in the region's legislative Duma is being considered.

Since 2001, there has been a protected item in the regional budget that provides for the allocation of funds for the socio-economic development of indigenous minorities. In 2005, it is planned to allocate more than 10 million rubles, 7.5 million of which are included in the federal budget. Work is being carried out in two main directions: creating normal living conditions and boosting the economy of ethnic villages. There are programs such as “Fresh Bread” - installation of bakeries, “Clean Water” - construction and repair of water supply sources, training and advanced training of personnel for national enterprises. For economic potential, the idea of ​​​​creating basic enterprises in national villages is being implemented. National farms have been allocated about 19 million hectares of hunting grounds, more than 100 fishing grounds, the volume of timber harvested by them reaches 100 thousand cubic meters per year, and the catch of slaves of various species in 2004 reached 2,700 tons. There are still problems with preserving the fish catch; it is often sold for next to nothing at the place of catch, which causes damage to the state, nature and the population itself, which does not receive decent wages for their work. There is also no system for processing and marketing wild plants. The regional center “Priamurye”, intended for these purposes, is at the organizational stage. Processing of various taiga fees will be carried out on the basis of Forest Products LLC. Over the past 3 years, 10 sawmills have been transferred to national farms. Extensive work was carried out by the national community “Amur” from the village of Sinda, Nanai region. She managed to develop logging and lumber production; in 2004, a brick factory opened in the village.

The issue of training specialists from among the indigenous indigenous peoples and replenishing them with the labor resources of the Far East is being gradually resolved. There are schools that have the status of indigenous minorities schools, so in Nikolaevsk-on-Amur there are two of them: medical and pedagogical. Students receive free education and are fully supported by funds from the regional budget. A branch of a technological college was opened in the village of Bulava, Ulch district; in 2004, the first graduation of 14 young specialists took place. At the same time, the problem of employment remains; only half of them got a job. Targeted work with indigenous peoples is carried out at the Far Eastern Medical University, the preparatory department of which is financed from the regional budget. Khabarovsk State Pedagogical University has been training specialists at the Faculty of Indigenous Peoples since 2003. The regional government is developing programs in various areas: publishing books in national languages, preserving cultural values, supporting healthcare and education.

According to experts, speaking about protecting the rights and interests of indigenous peoples and solving their problems, it should be recognized that this requires the development and implementation of the principles of a new policy of the Russian state based on cooperation and partnership of all sectors of human and civil society, taking into account international experience and frank and objective recognition of the whole range of difficulties that have arisen in preserving the unique culture of indigenous peoples.

Civilizational changes in the modern world could not but affect the process of economic and sociocultural development of small peoples living in different countries. Russia in the twentieth century, which entered a period of global changes associated with revolutions, world wars and attempts to create a democratic state, invariably faces the most important problem of creating or maintaining conditions for the unique development of indigenous peoples.

Of the 45 indigenous peoples (IMNS) of Russia, a significant part of them live in the Far East. On the territory of the Khabarovsk Territory live the Nanais (Golds), Ulchi, Negidals, Nivkhs (Gilyaks), Evens (Tungus - Lamut), Evenki (Tungus), Udege (Ude), Orochi. In the Primorsky Territory - Evenks (Tungus), Nanai (Golds), Orochi, Udege, Taz; Sakhalin region - Evenks (Tungus), Oroks, Nivkhs; Magadan region - Evens (Tungus - Lamuts), Chukchi, Yukaghirs (Oduls), Chuvans; Kamchatka region - Evens (Tungus - Lamut), Aleuts, Koryaks, Itelmens (Kamchadals); Amur region - Evenks (Tungus); in the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug - Evens (Tungus - Lamut), Eskimos (Inuit), Koryaks, Kereks, Chuvans (Etels); in the Koryak Autonomous Okrug - Evens (Tungus - Lamut), Aleut (Ungan), Chukchi, Koryak, Itelmen (Kamchadal), in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) - Evenk (Tungus), Even (Tungus - Lamut), Yukaghir (Odul), Dolgans. When examining areas of compact residence of indigenous peoples in the Far Eastern regions of the Russian Federation, the residence of other small nationalities is noted. Thus, in the Khabarovsk Territory live the Chukchi, Koryaks, Aleuts, Nenets, Khanty, Mansi, Dolgans, and Eskimos. The indigenous peoples of the Amur region live compactly in 54 villages. Among the indigenous indigenous peoples, only the Evens and Evenks live in the regions of the Far East and beyond; their numbers are 17,199 and 30,163 people, respectively (data for 2000). The remaining peoples are settled both compactly and throughout the region.

Indigenous peoples of the Far East (data for 2000)

	Number	Places of settlement in the Far East
Evenks (Tungus)		Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), Amur region, Sakhalin region,
Evens (Tungus-Lamut)		Magadan region, Kamchatka region, Chukotka Autonomous District, Koryak Autonomous District, Khabarovsk Territory.
Negidalians		Khabarovsk region,
Nanai (Golds)		Khabarovsk region, Primorsky region.
		Khabarovsk region,
		Sakhalin region,
		Khabarovsk region, Primorsky region.
Udege people (Ude)		Primorsky region Khabarovsk region
Aleuts (Ungans)		Koryak Autonomous Okrug, Kamchatka region,
Eskimos (Inuit)		Chukotka Autonomous Okrug,
		Magadan region Chukotka Autonomous Okrug, Koryak Autonomous Okrug, Republic of Sakha (Yakutia),
		Kamchatka region, Chukotka Autonomous Okrug, Koryak Autonomous Okrug,
Itelmens (Kamchadals)		Kamchatka region, Koryak Autonomous Okrug,
		Chukotka Autonomous Okrug,
		Khabarovsk region, Sakhalin region.
Yukaghirs (oduls)		Magadan region Republic of Sakha (Yakutia),
		Primorsky region
Chuvans (Etels)		Chukotka Autonomous District, Magadan Region.
		The Republic of Sakha (Yakutia)

In general, the peoples of the North are small in number - this is one of their specific features. Their small number is not the only factor influencing the nature of ethnic processes, including linguistic and cultural assimilation and the preservation of native languages. The level of urbanization of peoples is lower in autonomous okrugs than outside them. Ethnic processes proceed more quickly if the foreign environment is long-standing and significant. Peoples who have preserved their traditional economy better preserve their national culture and, as a rule, their native language. A number of indigenous peoples have a tendency to move beyond traditional settlement zones to other areas. At the same time, the stable centuries-old settled pattern of small-numbered peoples is confirmed by the phenomenon of permanence identified by researchers as a characteristic feature of the ethnic group, which ensured the regional stability of their livelihoods. It is a historical national treasure and the wealth of the small peoples of the Far East. It must be taken into account when solving a complex of economic, medical and social problems in the places where indigenous minorities live.

There are changes in the nature of traditional sectors of the economy, employment, and the ratio of types of labor. The differentiation of activities is progressing. Indicators of the nature of employment of the population still differ significantly in individual regions of residence of the peoples of the North. If among the peoples of Sakhalin and Lower Amur the percentage of people employed in traditional areas reached 25%, then in the Chukotka and Koryak districts it was 80%, which is explained by differences in the settlement and demographic structure of the regions.

Research from the 1990s shows that alienation from the past traditional way of life among indigenous peoples is a fait accompli. In the conditions of technogenic civilization, the adaptation of the indigenous population to the changed factors of life is weak, and their competitiveness is low. The peoples of the North, being in their indigenous habitats, are forced to adapt, develop resilience, flexibility, and mental stability. At the same time, one cannot rely only on the internal potential of peoples, their ability to revive themselves, because this process can drag on for many decades and its consequences will be destructive.

Negative trends in the situation of the indigenous population were identified by scientists in the late 1990s. The traditional structure of the economy has not been preserved in full anywhere. It exists in the form of separate elements: hunting, fishing, reindeer herding equipment; a set of national clothes, means of transportation (boats, skis, sleds), techniques and methods of fishing. The number of people engaged in applied types of national craft is decreasing. Among the surveyed Nivkhs and Negidals, only 54.9% are engaged in such activities, namely: dressing skins, knitting nets, making skis, making clothes, shoes, carving, embroidery. No more than 57% expressed a desire to master types of crafts. Previous socio-economic development has changed the structure of professional skills, lifestyle, needs, and spiritual values. The state's orientation of peoples towards their return to their original culture, towards the revival of national types of economic activity without serious financial, material, organizational support, without involvement in social production is destructive.

The processes of degradation of industrial-type production in areas inhabited by indigenous peoples have had a decisive impact and are affecting employment in the sphere of the “official economy”. The reduction in the share of social production in the country's economy has led to the problem of employment in various sectors. The solution to this problem is associated with a change in the entire socio-economic situation in the areas where indigenous minorities live. Over the past ten to fifteen years, the number of people who believe that traditional crafts should be the main occupation has decreased. The reality is that, despite all the costs of socio-economic development, taking into account the equalization and distribution system of socialism, indigenous peoples have become conditionally subjects of established production relations. Therefore, the revival of all types of economic activity should occur at the intersection of community-tribal (collective), state-territorial and private enterprise.

Isolating this problem in the context of fulfilling the tasks of overcoming the difficult legacy of the past in the policy of the central authorities in relation to the Far East is directly related to an important point. This is a definition of the regional constitutional and legal status of indigenous peoples of the Far East. According to experts, it represents a set of constitutional rights, freedoms and responsibilities of citizens of the Russian Federation, representatives of indigenous peoples living in the Far East, enshrined in the norms of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the Charter of the constituent entities of the Far Eastern region and, specified by sectoral legislation, as well as constitutional guarantees that ensure implementation of these rights.

At the international level, this problem has been solved particularly actively in recent years. The United Nations has declared the International Decade of the World's Indigenous People since 1995. The purpose of this action is to strengthen international cooperation in solving problems facing indigenous peoples in such areas as human rights, culture, health, environment, education. Almost every year passed under a certain motto:

• 1996 – “Indigenous peoples and their connection to the land”
• 1997 – “Indigenous Health”
• 1998 – “Education and Language”
• 2000 – “Rights of Indigenous Children”

In Russia, many legislative acts and various regulations have been adopted. For 1996-1998 15 hearings on the problems of indigenous minorities were held in the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. The result of active legislative activity of the state is the following decisions:

• Law of the Russian Federation “On National-Cultural Autonomy” of June 17, 1996;
• Law of the Russian Federation “On the fundamentals of state regulation of socio-economic development of the North of the Russian Federation” dated June 19, 1996;
• Law on Employment in the Russian Federation" 1996;
• Law of the Russian Federation “On Education” 1996;
• Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of December 31, 1997 No. 1664 “On reforming the system of state support for the regions of the North”;
• Regulations on the State Committee of the Russian Federation for the Development of the North. Approved by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of June 30, 1998;
• Law of the Russian Federation “On guarantees of the rights of indigenous peoples of the Russian Federation; dated April 30, 1999;
• Law of the Russian Federation “On the general principles of organizing communities of indigenous peoples of the north, Siberia and the Far East of the Russian Federation” dated July 20, 2000;

Apparently, the main document for the protection of the rights and interests of indigenous peoples of Russia is the federal law “On guarantees of the rights of indigenous peoples of the Russian Federation”. For the first time at the federal level, the possibility of legal regulation of issues vital for indigenous peoples has been provided. This allows Article 69 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation to work on guaranteeing the rights of indigenous peoples in accordance with the generally recognized principles and norms of international law and international treaties of Russia. At the same time, a number of issues arise that require further legal and practical elaboration. These include the following:

• the space of action of the law and the circle of subjects and objects of law in the locks of the mechanism of action of the law;
• resolving the problem of employment of the indigenous population;
• habitat and its influence on the development of ethnic groups;
• the relationship between the role of the federal state and local authorities, ensuring the representation of indigenous peoples, in creating conditions for preserving their identity and a decent standard of living;
• resolving the issue of ownership, possession and use of lands of various categories;
• exercise of the right to compensation for damage caused to the habitat of indigenous peoples.

Specialists from the Far East are subjecting the federal law “On the general principles of organizing communities of indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East of the Russian Federation” to serious analysis.” We can conclude that it is not aimed at protecting the rights of small nations. The impression from the Law is this: in order not to think for a long time, they combined certain provisions of the Law on Public Associations with Chapter 4 “Legal Entities” of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation, and this legal “vinaigrette” was served for “digestion” by the indigenous population. Article 5 of the Law states that “the activities of communities are non-commercial in nature,” and in Article 17, paragraph 3, “communities have the right to sell the products of labor produced by its members.” If the community is a non-profit organization, then for what activities is it provided with tax benefits and benefits (Article 7, paragraph 1)? Article 8, paragraph 4 of the Law allows for the admission to members of the community of persons who are not members of small-numbered peoples, carrying out business activities and engaged in crafts traditional for small-numbered peoples. But now the entire rural population of the Far East is on the verge of survival, who, due to lack of work and money, are forced to engage in personal subsidiary farming as their main activity, trade, and temporary work in the city.

In general, by the beginning of 2000. According to a number of researchers and scientists, the most pressing ethnosocial problems are:

• Destruction of traditional economic and cultural types;
• Degradation of long-inhabited historical and cultural areas;
• Decrease in the birth rate as a result of abandoning the policy of having many children;
• Increase in the number of single-parent families;
• Assimilation with Russians and other migrant populations;
• Changes in the gender and age structure of nomadic householders, leading to separation of potential brides and grooms;
• An increase in the number of single men and women, associated with the complication of concluding marriage unions between representatives of certain ethnic groups of the Far East;
• An increase in out-of-wedlock births and an increase in mixed marriages;
• Increasing socio-demographic and environmental crises in the places of traditional residence of indigenous peoples;
• Destruction of the traditional way of life;
• The eradication of “religious prejudices” (shamanism, animism), which for centuries regulated the interaction of representatives of indigenous ethnic groups with each other and with the “encompassing landscape”;
• The increase in the number of suicides and alcoholization of the population as one of the forms of response to the collapse of the traditional worldview during integration into industrial society
• Separation of the education of indigenous children from their traditional economy;
• Mass unemployment.

The creation of a legal framework for resolving the accumulated problems over the past decades has made it possible to determine some guidelines for the further work of state and public organizations, and the indigenous communities themselves. At the same time, the adopted laws revived production activities, but failed to ensure the effective functioning of the communities themselves. New economic conditions and socio-psychological factors prevent the peoples of the Amur region from actively engaging in production activities. Unemployment, which has engulfed all of Russia, is manifested on a particularly large scale among the aborigines. In particular, in Primorye in 1996, the Samarga Udege had 64% of the unemployed, the Iman Udege had 60.5%, the Bikin Udege, Nanai and Orochi villages. Krasny Yar - 58.3%, in the Olginsky district - 8.9%. The purchasing power of pension benefits has decreased by 10 times. The average monthly salary of Bikin Udege residents of the public sector is significantly below the subsistence level. In the late 1990s, studies of individual places of residence in the Primorsky Territory revealed serious problems in the provision of housing, education, health, and birth rates. According to a sociological study conducted in the Lower Amur at the beginning of 2000. the share of the working-age population from among the indigenous minorities not employed in public production was a significant part, exceeding more than half, and in the Nikolaevsky district 73.2%. At the same time, in the households from among the indigenous peoples, 90.8% were engaged in agriculture, 15.4% in livestock farming, 11% in hunting, 66.4% in fishing, 62.7% in berry picking, and 62.7% in mushroom picking. 57.3%. Most likely, indigenous peoples are experiencing a redistribution of activities. A significant share is occupied by traditional types of work, which make it possible to better achieve an acceptable level of providing families with food and consumer goods. At the same time, the situation in the early 2000s. allows you to correct your opinion about the situation of the indigenous peoples of the Far East. According to the researchers, the idea of ​​higher unemployment rates among indigenous peoples, as well as the extremely low level of socio-economic status of their families, is a significant exaggeration. Proof of the fallacy of the stable public opinion about the plight of peoples is another indicator identified by sociologists - the material and technical security of their families. In 1999 in national families of the Lower Amur, with a level of officially registered income that was two or more times below the subsistence level, only 8.6% of families did not have any equipment, 4% owned cars or trucks, 18% owned motorcycles, 37% owned motor boats , 2.6% - snowmobiles, 32.3% - televisions, 54.7% - refrigerators, 64.7% - washing machines. At the same time, the level and quality of life of the surveyed families of indigenous northerners were almost no different from Russian families living in the same villages.

Currently, there is a real consolidation of indigenous peoples, caused by changes in both global and domestic development. Therefore, the new policy of the Russian state towards small nations must take into account the peculiarities of their life. The most important instrument of state policy in relation to indigenous peoples is the federal target program “Economic and social development of indigenous peoples of the North until 2010,” which is aimed at “creating conditions for the sustainable development of indigenous peoples of the North in places of compact residence based on the restoration of traditional environmental management and management based on the existing natural, production and infrastructure potential.”

To solve pressing problems of the further development of a unique original culture, it is important to study the historical path traversed by the peoples of the Far East. It was preserved in conditions of a radical disruption of established orders, the formation of a new type of statehood, the development and implementation of state policies that did not always meet the interests and needs of ethnic groups. Therefore, an important factor in the coexistence and mutual enrichment of cultures of all peoples of our country is the care and maintenance of the progress and prosperity of small peoples.